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Report by TAPOL about growing tensions over the Theys murder investigation

December 31 2001

Reports appearing in the press point to a growing tension between the various arms of the security forces, in particular between the police force and the army and between certain units within the army over investigations into the assassination of Theys Eluay, the chairman of the Papuan Presidium Council who waa abducted on 10 November and whose body was found a day later.

An army team of investigation has been in Jayapura since Friday to conduct its own investigations. The central government said last week that it would announce the composition of an 'independent' team of investigation 'before the end of the year'. But this has not happened, suggesting that the central government may have put their move on hold until the army's investigations in Jayapura have been completed.

The new chief of the Indonesian police, Police General Da'i Bachtiar, stunned the general public with his statement published on 29 December (Cendrawasih Pos) that evidence so far collected points to members of Kopassus based in the Tribuana Kopassus base being responsible for the crime. As will be recalled, Theys had spent the evening of his abduction at the Kopassus base and was abducted only a short distance away as he was being driven home by his driver who has since disappeared. Da'i said it was difficult for the police to investigate members of this elite unit as the police have no powers to interrogate members of the army. He hoped that the military police would soon get involved in the investigations.

Another obstacle was that witnesses were afraid to come forward as they felt under threat from certain quarters. He said it was also important to eliminate existing frictions between the forces so that the investigation could go forward.

He insisted that the police were not afraid to face the consequences, if evidence pointed to the involvement of Kopassus. 'We must operate on the basis of the facts on the ground without abandoning the principle of the presumption of innocence,' he said. He also said that the driver Aristoteles Masoka, was the key to the investigations. If he could be found, things would progress much faster.

Meanwhile, the same paper reports that the army team is collaborating with the regional police force and has seen the evidence already collected. The army team, headed by Brig.General Marbun, had been sent to Jayapura to seek clarifications about the involvement of army 'oknum' (rogue) elements in the murder. The regional police chief, Drs Made Mangku Pastika, said that if investigations pointed to army involvement, the role of the police would end.

The police chief also said that the murder of Theys had put the future of the special autonomy law into doubt. It is not unlikely that the motive for the killing was to thwart special autonomy. He said opposition to special autonomy law comes from two directions, from those who want independence and from those who think that the law 'gives too much away to the Papuans' and will therefore be likely to further encourage independence.

Several days ago, the three leading human rights NGOs in Jayapura, ELSHAM, the LBH and Kontras, stated their total opposition to moves by the government and the military to investigate the crime, because they are aimed at 'localising' the crime and treating it as an 'ordinary crime' and not as an extra-ordinary crime involving state institutions. They believe that the killing was politically motivated and insist on the government setting up an independent international team that would include the UN Human Rights High Commissioner's office and international organisations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch as well as the National Human Rights Commission. The team should have powers to investigate state institutions including the President, the Supreme Congress, the DPR, the Minister of the Interior and the national intelligence agencies. It was important to be able to establish whether the crime only involved individuals or involved institutions.

According to Papua Pos of 29 December, the army team now in Jayapura was limited to seeking clarifications about the case to determine whether anyone from the army was involved. If the team was able to establish that army elements were involved, then a full blown army investigation would be conducted, and the police would no longer be involved. If the case involved joint investigations between the military and civil forces, then a konseksitas investigation would be launched. Investigations would have to start all over again because police findings would not be permitted if the case goes before a military court.

This paper also reported the national police chief, Da'i Bachtiar, as saying that evidence pointed in the direction of a link between the Tribuana Kopassus base and the crime. If this were so, this would be a matter for army investigation.

These press reports point in the direction of an attempt by the army to take over control of investigations from the police. The army, which is clearly on the defensive because of overwhelming evidence already collected by the Jayapura police and by ELSHAM about Kopassus involvement, now seems to be intent on a damage limitation exercise. This could make any move by the central government to set up its own team irrelevant and leave it to army investigators to scapegoat members of Kopassus who would go for trial in a military court, and put a stop to any further investigation into the assassination. Hence, while chief of police Da'i's remark about Kopassus involvement is stunning, it could in effect open the way for the army to conduct its damage limitation operation.

RTE 1 Radio (national broadcaster)

Saturday File

22 December 2001

[Extract, relevant to West Papua]


Cathal Mac Coille, presenter, on the subject of the possibility of bringing the Generals accused of human rights abuses in East Timor to justice, asked:

"The point has been made about the understandable reservations of the East Timorese, nevertheless the people with serious blood on their hands, the organisers of violence have moved on, have moved out elsewhere, and if the international community doesn't indicate by way of having an international tribunal, if it dosen't indicate some determination to deal with these people, they will perhaps use the same methods somewhere else."

In reply, Liz O'Donnell, TD, Irish Junior Minister for Foreign Affairs, said, inter alia:

"It is true there is now a repeat performance going on in West Papua, and that is very worrying"

Papuan rights group rejects inquiry into independence leader's death

JAKARTA Dec 18 (AFP)

[ See Els-ham report on Theys killing at www.gn.apc.org/tapol/r011213theys.htm ]

The leading human rights group in Indonesia's Irian Jaya province on Tuesday rejected as a whitewash a proposed government inquiry into the murder of independence leader Theys Eluay.

"This is a state crime, state institutions are implicated, so how can they be involved in any inquiry?" John Rumbiak, of the Institute for Advocacy and Human Rights (Elsham), told AFP.

The government is currently considering a proposal by the National Human Rights Commission for a 'National Independent Team' to investigate Eluay's death. Under the proposal the government, military, and police would be part of the so-called 'independent' body.

Rumbiak said the military's special forces unit Kopassus was so closely implicated in Eluay's killing on November 10, that neither the military nor the government should sit on the proposed inquiry.

"Here in Jayapura we are calling it an assassination, not a murder. This is an extraordinary crime involving the state. It is a highly political killing," he said by phone from Irian Jaya, known locally as Papua.

Eluay, who headed the pro-independence Papua Praesidium, was abducted by an unidentified group of people as he drove home from a military Heroes' Day celebration hosted by the local Kopassus unit, in Jayapura on November 10.

His body, bearing signs of asphyxiation, was found in his car at the bottom of a ravine the following day.

Eluay's driver, who escaped and reported his abduction by 'non-Papuan' people, has subsequently disappeared.

"Based on our interviews including with the police, it's already been concluded that Kopassus are very much implicated," Rumbiak said.

"But we think Kopassus have been victimised, they did what they have been told, instructed to do. The masterminds of this assassination have to be investigated."

Rumbiak said Megawati's national day speech on August 16 and her reports on separatism in the province following her visit there as vice-president early last year advocated a zero-tolerance policy towards separatist activities.

"So when you look at these policies clearly outlining their intention and their acts towards the Papuan separatist activities, from our perspective the assassination of Theys Eluay is a state crime. It is no ordinary crime," Rumbiak said.

Since questioning at least seven Kopassus agents over the killing, police have complained that they have met "a dead-end" in their inquiries, Commission member Bambang Suharto told AFP.

Suharto led a fact-finding mission on Eluay's death to Jayapura from December 3 to 7. He said that of six possible explanations for Eluay's death, he most believed that it was a conspiracy aimed at destabilising the central government in Jakarta.

Rumbiak said Suharto and the human rights commission have no credibility in the eyes of the Papuan people, since several inquiries into past cases of extrajudicial killings have gone nowhere and resulted in no convictions.

"To be honest the Commission is entangled in so much politics, it is dominated by the military, and we don't see that any inquiry they set up would function independently," he said.

"What we need now is a truly independent team made up of international human rights experts that have the credibility and independence and respect to investigate the security minister, the intelligence chief, all those relevant state bodies."

Appeal by Franciscans and Dominicans (Geneva)

Geneva, 14 December 2001

FRANCISCANS INTERNATIONAL and DOMINICANS for Justice and Peace demand an independent investigation into the Murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay and an end to human rights abuses in Papua by the Government of Indonesia.

Franciscans International and Dominicans for Justice and Peace remain gravely concerned by the politically motivated murder of Mr.Theys Hiyo Eluay, Papuan community leader, on 10 November 2001.

The integration of Papua a former Dutch colony - into the Unitary State of Indonesia took place in 1969. This event utterly failed to adequately address the concerns of the Papuans, a people that have since suffered gross and flagrant violations of their human rights and fundamental freedoms by the Government of Indonesia. The Government of Indonesia has embarked upon along-term campaign of extra-judicial executions, violence against women, torture, arbitrary detention, intimidation, harassment against the Papuanpeople.

The Inquiry Team on Human Rights Abuses (KPP HAM), established by the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) in February 2001,concluded that these gross violations of the Papuan people's human rights onstituted crimes against humanity.

Despite this State-sanctioned campaign of brutality, Mr. Theys Eluay sought to bring long-lasting peace to Papua by engaging the authorities in order to formulate an endurig, political solution that would adequately address his people's legitimate grievances. He sought to incorporate the Papuan peopledirectly into this process and foster a national and international dialogue on the question. Mr. Theys Eluay rejected Government of Indonesia s offer of special autonomy , as it is not an appropriate final response to the real problems and rightful demands of the Papuan people.

Mr. Theys Eluay was murdered less than two months before the Government ofIndonesia s plan to impose its special autonomy law on January 1st, 2002.

According to numerous local reports, the possibility of Indonesian military involvement cannot be discounted in the murder of Mr. Theys Eluay. Despite repeated pleas to the Government of Indonesia and the National Commission for Human Rights, there has not yet been an independent investigation into the murder of Mr. Theys Eluay.

Franciscans International and Dominicans for Justice and Peace:

1. Strongly urge the Government of Indonesia to end its impunity by authorising and providing total support to an immediate and thouroughly independent investigation of Mr. Theys Eluay s murder, pursuant to Indonesian Law, No. 26 (2000), on Human Rights Courts.

2. Call upon the Government of Indonesia to adhere to international human rights norms and standards and immediately end the practice of extra-judicial execution, violence against women, torture, arbitrary detention, intimidation, harassment and other forms of State-sanctioned violence in all regencies, including Papua.

3. Urge the Government of Indonesia to fulfil its obligations under the Second Amendement of the 1945 Constitution Art. 28 I (4): the protection, promotion, enforcement and fulfilment of human rights are the responsibility of
the State, in particular the government.

4. Call upon the Government of Indonesia to invite the Special Rapporteur on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people to visit Papua and to provide them with complete and unhindered access to individuals and communities and to fully collaborate with all the relevant thematic procedures of the Commission on Human Rights.

7000 DEMONSTRATORS OUTSIDE PAPUA GOVERNOR OFFICE

Jayapura, 13 December 2000

ELS-HAM

An estimated 7000 determined demonstrators, mostly Papuan university and college students, are jamming the front yard and the road in front of the governor's office today staging their protests over a number of political issues concerning the current situation of Papua, including the poor handling by police of the assassination case of the late Theys Hiyo Eluay, chairman of Papua Presidium Council. Today is the third day. High on demonstrators demands are :

(1) to immediately and wisely provide answers to Mr. Eluay's death, including human rights abuses and violations having occurred since 1962 to 2001. And the inclusion of an independent international investigation team to this case;
(2) to immediately open a National and International Dialog on Political Status of West Papua;
(3) strongly rejects the Special Autonomy Legislation for Papua since special autonomy is not the wish of Papuan people,
(4) strongly rejects the dispatch of more infantry troops into Papua and, on behalf of all Papuan students and the people of Papua, we earnestly call for an immediate withdrawal of all organic and non organic security forces out of Papua as Papua is not in the state of war. We strongly urge that our demands are seriously brought into action.

So far Papua Governor, Jaap Sallosa, refuses to meet the protesters. The bulk of protesting students are from the state Cenderawasih University who were transported to the governor's office on trucks and buses. At this time of writing no government official, including the governor himself, was known to have met the demonstrators.

New Zealand Ambassador inquires about Theys killing

Tuesday, 11 December 2001

[Report received from Jayapura, probably based on Antara article. TAPOL]

[Note: This visit should be seen as a sign of the concern of the diplomatic community in Jakarta at the slow pace of the investigations into the Theys assassination. TAPOL]

Jayapura - While on a working visit to Jayapura on Monday, New Zealand's ambassador to Jakarta, Chris Elder, inquired about efforts underway to solve the case of the murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay, chairperson of the Papuan Presidium Council. Nothing clear is yet known about the case. Deputy Governor Constan Karma told Antara in Jayapura on Tuesday that he had received a visit from the New Zealand ambassador and members of his staff.

During the meeting, the ambassador asked for information about what has been done to investigate the killing of Theys Eluay and to discover the motive for the crime.

'I told the ambassador that he should speak to the chief of police, Drs. Made Mangku Pastika,' Karma said.

The ambassador also conveyed the condolences of the New Zealand government and people to the people of Papua on the death of Papua's pro-independence leader.

THEYS KILLING IS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY THAT MUST BE INVESTIGATED BY AN INDEPENDENT COMMISSION

Tapol Press Release
30 November 2001

TAPOL strongly condemns the decision of the Indonesian Government to set up a joint military and police team to investigate the abduction and killing of Theys Hiyo Eluay on 10-11 November and reiterates its call made immediately after the body of Theys Eluay was found nearly three weeks ago for the Indonesian Government to set up an independent team to investigate the crime.

In a letter today to the Minister of State at the Foreign Office Ben Bradshaw, Carmel Budiardjo of TAPOL said:

'The circumstances in which Theys Eluay was abducted and later killed strongly suggest that the military may have been involved in the crime. Moreover, it has been established by our contacts in Jayapura that the local police reached a point in their investigations that made it impossible for them to proceed any further. The reason for this is clear: the police have no powers to investigate criminal actions by the military.'

Theys Hiyo Eluay, the chairperson of the Papuan Presidium Council, was abducted on 10 November, a short distance from the Tribuana base of the army's elite corps Kopassus, on his way home after having dinner at the base. His driver Aristoteles Masoka made a distressed phone call to the wife of the victim to inform her of the abduction, and has since disappeared. The body of the victim was discovered on the following day. An autopsy found that he died as a result of foul play and his body showed signs of strangulation and swellings.

In a press conference in Jayapura today, Papua's leading human rights organisation ELSHAM described the crime as 'an act of terror and provocation by the security forces aimed at stirring up conflict in Papua', and said that it was 'pre-meditated and politically motivated'. In other words, it was a crime against humanity.

In such circumstances, the decision of the Indonesian Government to leave it to the police and military to investigate this crime will not satisfy the basic requirements for a thorough investigation to identify not only the perpetrators of the crime but also those who masterminded and planned it.

The circumstances suggest that members of Kopassus may have been involved in the crime. These special forces have a history of involvement in abductions and killings. In the months before the fall of President Suharto in May 1998, Kopassus was responsible for the abduction and murder of a number of Indonesian pro-democracy activists. After Suharto's removal from power, some low-ranking members of Kopassus were tried in court for the crimes and given derisory sentences. The investigations also led to the 'honourable dismissal' from the army of Lieutenant-General Prabowo who was the commander of Kopassus at the time.

In its letter to Minister Ben Bradshaw, TAPOL called on the British Government to urge the Indonesian Government to set up an independent team to investigate this crime against humanity. The commission should be free from the military and should include academics, human rights activists and persons with the necessary forensic skills. Someone from Papua should be included and the commission should be instructed to make its findings public.

It also urged the British Government to impress on the Indonesian Government the need to ascertain the whereabouts of the key witness, Aristoteles Masoka, who was driving the car when Theys Eluay was abducted and who has since disappeared, and to take firm measures to offer protection to all persons willing to come forward as witnesses.

In conclusion, Carmel Budiardjo said: 'Without a proper investigation of this crime against humanity that wins the confidence of the Papuan people and the international community, we fear that the aftermath of this horrific crime can only further inflame passions in the territory and result in yet more disturbances and unrest.'

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Croydon CR7 8HW, UK.
tel +44 020 8771 2904 fax +44 020 8653 0322
tapol@gn.apc.org www.gn.apc.org/tapol

The Irish Times, 29 November, 2001

World News

West Papua transfer a 'sham'

DUBLIN - The former minister for foreign affairs, Mr David Andrews, said yesterday that the international community and the UN should revisit the "sham" of the "Act of Free Choice" by which the now troubled and separatist former Dutch colony of West Papua (Irian Jaya) was transferred to Indonesian control in the 1960s, writes David Shanks.

His comment follows an admission last week by the man in charge of the hand-over for the United Nations, Mr Chakravarthy Narasimhan, that the process of consulting 1025 elders was "just a whitewash". Mr Narasimhan was then undersecretary-general of the UN.

"The mood at the UN was to get rid of this problem as quickly as possible," he said. Mr Andrews also called for "a fully independent inquiry" into the recent murder of the separatist Papuan leader, Theys Eluay.

Island Demands Justice for Murdered Leader

The Sunday Tribune (Ireland)

November 25th, 2001

Tens of thousands lined the streets of West Papua's capital Jayapura last week for the funeral of murdered independence leader, Theys Eluay.

Eluay (64) who was leader of the West Papuan Presidium, the leading pro-independence movement for the vast jungle-covered half-island of two million people that is Indonesia's most eastern province, was a well-known moderate, and tried to maintain good relations with Indonesian civil and military officials.

The day he was murdered, he had attended an Indonesian army (TNI) ceremony near his home to commemorate Indonesia's "Heroes Day".

Shortly after leaving for home, his car was stopped by a group of men with "non-Papuan features" according to his driver who managed to call Eluay's wife on his mobile. The driver then disappeared. The next day, Eluay's body was found in a ravine near the New Guinea border. Indonesian officials claimed he had died of natural causes. Doctors' reports said, however, he had been strangled.

As news of his death spread, gangs of Papuan youths attacked and burned shops belonging to Indonesian migrants in Sentani. And several thousand people marched to the main police station in Jayapura shouting, "we want justice."

Few Papuans doubt where the real responsibility lies: with the Indonesian government and the TNI. "What is clear is that the No 1 enemy is the Indonesian government, because we are struggling for independence, but through peace and dialogue," said another Presidium member Taha Al-Hamid.

There seems little chance of the murderers being brought to justice. Indeed, Eluay may have been the most prominent victim to date of Operation "Sangat Rahasia" (Top Secret) run by the TNI, whose contents have only recently been revealed in documents leaked to the Indonesian Human Rights Campaign in London. With world attention diverted to Afghanistan, and the international media banned from West Papua, the TNI feels it has a free hand to deal with pro-independence movements there and in Aceh.

The document reveals that at a meeting in Jakarta on 8 June, 2000 senior officials of the TNI, the police and secret services, drew up a plan to undermine West Papua's independence movement by taking "preventative and repressive action" to divide, discredit and destroy the Presidium and Papuan struggle. Under former Indonesian Presidents Habibie and his successor, Abdul Rahman Wahid, some effort was made to acknowledge the grievance felt by Indonesia's outer islands, most notably Aceh and West Papua. Under Wahid, Papuans were allowed to fly their own flag, the Morning Star, and even call themselves Papuans, which had been a criminal offence under Suharto. At that time Eluay and other Papuan leaders were able to meet the reformist Indonesian president to voice grievances and make the case for independence. Although Wahid rejected independence, he nevertheless supported a dialogue.

The West Papuan Presidium was formed in July 1998 after the massacre by soldiers of many peaceful protestors on Biak island off the north coast. The massacre galvanised Papuan opinion and led to even pro-Indonesian Papuans such as Eluay, who had been an MP for the ruling Golkar Part for 15 years, to change sides and support independence.

Although over 100,000 Papuans have died at the hands of the Indonesian military over three decades, the Presidium opted for peaceful methods to achieve independence. Nothing less than independence would satisfy Eluay said last month: "We do not want to be part of Indonesia any more. We are a separate people with our own culture and identity."

More recently, the Presidium appointed lawyers to challenge the legality of the 1962 New York Agreement which had forced Holland to cede West Papua to Indonesia; and also the dubious 1969 Act of 'Free' Choice where 1,025 hand picked Papuan tribal chiefs-including Eluay-voted for full "integration" with Indonesia. The Presidium has continually demanded a referendum on independence similar to that held in East Timor in 1999.

And Indonesian migrants mostly from Java and Sulawesi, who now make up 40% of the population, completely dominate the economy and government, causing fierce resentment.

"The so-called development policies of Jakarta are seen by Papuans as a new form of colonialism that exploits our resources and marginalises us," says John Rumbiak of human rights groups, Els-Ham.

Papua's incorporation into Indonesia was a farce, top U.N. officials say

By SLOBODAN LEKIC
Associated Press Writer

[This article by Slobodan Lekic is a major break through. Narasimhan who was
central to the whole UN involvement in West Papua in the 1960's has publicly
admitted that it was a sham.....]

JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) - Wracked by separatist struggles across its vast
chain of islands, Indonesia is being especially haunted by a referendum 32
years ago that former U.N. officials now admit was a sham.

The region in question is Irian Jaya, Indonesia's easternmost province, and
the referendum legitimizing the Dutch colony's annexation is proving to be a
source of intensifying separatist fervor.

U.N. officials who conducted the 1969 vote by tribal chiefs now say most
citizens of the province covering the western half of New Guinea island were
intentionally excluded from the process.

''It was just a whitewash. The mood at the United Nations was to get rid of
this problem as quickly as possible,'' said Chakravarthy Narasimhan, a
retired U.N. undersecretary general who handled the takeover.

''Nobody gave a thought to the fact that there were a million people there
who had their fundamental human rights trampled,'' he said in a telephone
interview from his home in Madras, India.

The ballot immediately sparked an uprising in the region, which is also
known as Papua. Indonesia's army has failed in repeated attempts to crush
the rebellion, and support for independence has strengthened since Gen.
Suharto, Indonesia's dictator, was forced from office in 1998.

In the past, bloody protests have erupted on Dec. 1, the anniversary of
Papua's 1961 independence proclamation. So Indonesian security forces are
bracing for more trouble Saturday, the 40th anniversary of the proclamation.

Independence activists have been further galvanized by the U.N.-supervised
referendum in 1999 that allowed nearby East Timor to break away from
Indonesia and become independent after years of fighting Indonesian forces.
They are demanding a similar plebiscite for Irian Jaya.

The mysterious killing on Nov. 10 of Theys Eluay, a prominent
pro-independence politician, has added to tensions. Many Papuans accuse the
government of responsibility for the death of Theys, who was found strangled
after attending a dinner with Indonesian army commanders.

Opposition to rule from Jakarta appears almost universal among Papuans. But
the Indonesian government is adamant about holding the region, the nation's
biggest and home to rich natural resources.

When the Dutch originally granted independence to the Indonesia archipelago
in 1949, they retained control of Papua, arguing it had no ethnic,
linguistic or cultural links with the other islands.

Unlike Indonesia's mainly Malay inhabitants, Papuans are racially distinct
Melanesians. While 85 percent of Indonesians are Muslims, Papuans are either
Christians or animists.

The Netherlands announced it would grant statehood to Papua and set up a
local legislature Dec. 1, 1961.

Indonesia reacted by launching a series of cross-border incursions.
The invaders were easily routed by Dutch marines. But the U.S.
administration of President Kennedy feared a military defeat could drive
Indonesia into the Communist bloc and pressured the Dutch to hand over the
colony.

The Dutch eventually agreed, and in 1962 the United Nations was brought in
to prepare a ''one man, one vote'' referendum for self-determination by
1969. Within a year, however, the world body relinquished administration of
the region to Jakarta, and left Suharto's military dictatorship in charge of
preparing for a democratic plebiscite.

The Indonesians, sensing overwhelming opposition to the takeover, decided
to canvass only 1,025 hand-picked supporters. The result, not surprisingly,
was a unanimous vote for integration.

Lobbied intensely by Washington, the U.N. Security Council endorsed the
vote.

''Suharto was a terrible dictator,'' Narasimhan said. ''How could anyone
have seriously believed that all voters unanimously decided to join his
regime? Unanimity like that is unknown in democracies.''

Other former U.N. officials agreed. ''It wasn't our most glorious hour,'' said Brian Urquhart, another retired U.N. undersecretary general.

''It was arranged to have the U.N. put the seal of good housekeeping on the
easiest but not necessarily most democratic way to resolve the problem,'' he
said in a telephone interview from his home in Massachusetts.

Hero chief becomes 'mulch for the people'

By CHRIS McCALL
SENTANI, WEST PAPUA

The Age
Sunday 18 November 2001

Wailing, beating drums and hooting like birds, a throng of tearful mourners
converged here yesterday to pay their last respects for slain separatist
leader Theys Eluay.

At the football field where he was buried under a hastily erected shelter,
with traditional carving on its pillars and a corrugated steel roof to keep
off the sun, a banner quoted Mr Eluay's own words.

"Let my body and blood become mulch for the struggle for an independent
Papua," it read.

At least 10,000 mourners attended. Among them were representatives of local
police, who kept a discreet presence during the event. The banned Morning
Star flag was everywhere to be seen, over Mr Eluay's coffin and flying
defiantly around it. No action was taken to stop it.

Yet the ceremony did not pass without controversy. It was briefly held up as
a group of Papuans from other areas demanded the members of the separatist
Papuan Presidium Council, which Mr Eluay chaired, give an account to them.
There has been frustration at the presidium's failure to get results since it
was appointed at a Papuan Congress last year.

There was also friction over how and where the murdered leader should be
buried. Dani tribesmen from the remote Baliem valley had offered to mummify
him, a traditional practice there for great chiefs. Others wanted him buried
at the provincial legislature, where he long sat as a legislator and where
his body briefly lay in state after it was discovered last Sunday.

In the end, his family's wishes were followed. He was buried in traditional
lands of the Sentani people, of whom he was chief.

Mr Eluay's former deputy Thom Beanal vowed Mr Eluay's death would not mean
the end of the independence struggle.

Agence France-Presse
November 17, 2001

10,000 mourners bury Irian Jaya pro-independence leader

[The date in paragraph should be November 10, not September 10.]

About 10,000 people, some delirious with grief, gathered peacefully for the
funeral of Irian Jaya independence leader Theys Hiyo Eluay, who died
mysteriously last week.

Mourners staged a two-hundred meter (yard) procession from Eluay's home on
Saturday, some 50 kilometers (32 miles) west of the provincial capital
Jayapura, to a soccer field where the charismatic leader was buried.

The emotional crowds sang religious hymns as Eluay's body was laid to rest in
the field, which has been redesignated a "Papuan Heroes" cemetery.

Members of the pro-independence Papua Task Force militia carried Eluay's
coffin, which was draped in the secessionist Morning Star flag. A tribal rite
was performed before the procession.

The throngs, many of whom had come from other regions in the sprawling
province bordering Papua New Guinea, showered the coffin with flowers. Many
mourners shed tears and screamed: "Father, don't leave us behind."

Papua is the name that independence activists use for Indonesia's easternmost
province, the scene of sporadic separatist unrest for decades.

Residents climbed trees and roofs of their homes to catch a glimpse of the
ceremony, which was attended by senior officials from the local government,
police and military.

"We thank God that the ceremony went peacefully. We have passed a critical
moment," Reverend Herwan Awom, a member of the pro-independence Papua
Presidium which Eluay had headed before his death, told AFP.

In his funeral message, the deputy chief of the presidium, Tom Beanal, called
on the United Nations to hold a referendum on self-determination in Irian
Jaya.

Security was tight with police deployed along the road leading to Eluay's
home, checking visitors who wanted to attend the ceremony. Many had feared
violence would erupt during the funeral.

The province was on top military alert against possible rioting, the state
Antara news agency reported.

Eluay, 64, who was the chieftain of the Sentani tribe, went missing on his
way home on September 10 from a military ceremony. His driver, who is still
missing, told the family in a brief telephone call that they had been
abducted by a group of non-Irianese.

The Jayapura police chief, Senior Commissioner Daud Sihombing, said he had
been informed that Eluay's driver was alive but that his whereabouts were
still unknown.

Eluay's body was found the following day in his crashed car. The face was
darkened and the tongue was sticking out.

The national police have described the death as "unnatural" and sent
investigators to the remote province. Rights groups have described the death
as an assassination.

Eluay and four other members of the presidium had been on trial on charges of
subversion for demanding independence.

The group had rejected Jakarta's decision to grant the resource-rich province
greater autonomy, as had the Free Papua Movement which has been waging a
low-level guerrilla war.

The autonomy law, which takes effect next month, renames the province Papua.
It will have its own flag and anthem and will keep between 70 and 80 percent
of revenues from its natural riches.

Rebels, sometimes using primitive weapons including bows and arrows, have
been fighting sporadically for an independent Melanesian state since the
former Dutch colony became an Indonesian province in 1963.

Independence supporters say a 1969 UN-sponsored plebiscite, which reaffirmed
Indonesian sovereignty over Irian Jaya, was flawed.

Nov. 11, 2001: Abducted Papuan separatist leader found dead

[This criminal act which is likely to have profound political repercussions
in Papua, appears to have been deliberately perpetrated in order to plunge
Papua into a state of confusion and unrest. The international community
should take action to impress upon the Indonesian government to need for an
immediate investigation into the premeditated kidnap and murder of Papua's
foremost pro-independence figure. TAPOL]

JAKARTA (JP): Papuan separatist leader Theys Hiyo Eulay was found dead in his
abandoned car near the Papua New Guinea border on Sunday, less than 24 hours
after his reported abduction, Antara reported.

Theys, who was undergoing a trial for his separatist campaign in a court in
Jayapura, was found inside his Kijang car on the road near the border town
of Skouw, an Antara reporter said.

Marks of wounds were found around his wrists and there was dry blood on his
body, the reporter said, adding that police and investigators were already
on the scene.

Some of the car windows were shattered and the car appeared to have hit a
tree and stopped 50 meter short of a ravine.

Theys, the chairman of the Papuan Presidium Council, had been on trial along
with three other presidium members, on charges of subversion.

They were accused of fanning separatist sentiments when they organized a
massive congress in April last year (sic, May-June) in which they demanded
a referendum for self determination for the people in Irian Jaya, or Papua as the territory is now unofficially called.

Although on trial, the four were not under police arrest. The court trial
had been scheduled to resume on Monday.

The House of Representatives in Jakarta last month passed a new law granting
sweeping autonomy for Papua. But many separatist leaders said the law was
not enough and they insisted on independence from Jakarta.

Theys was traveling from Jayapura, capital of the province, to Sentani some
45 km when he was abducted by a group of unidentified men on Saturday night.
His driver, who was dumped by the kidnapers, reported the abduction to his
wife, who in turn notified the police

STATEMENT ISSUED ON 20 OCTOBER 2001 BY THE PAPUAN PRESIDIUM COUNCIL

The Papuan Presidium Council (PDP) and the Chair and Secretary-General of the
Panel of the Papuan Presidium Council held a meeting in Kotaraja on 19 and 20
October. The meeting discussed the following agenda items: Implementation of
the People's Mandate, Intensification of Military Operations and Armed
Resistance which has resulted in Human Rights Abuses, the Basic Rights of the
Papuan People, the Intentions of the Central Government with regard to
Special Autonomy for Papua, and the PDP Strategy towards these issues and regarding the Rectification of History.

The Papuan Consultative Assembly and the Second Papuan Congress in 2000 gave a mandate to the Papuan Presidium Council, thereby making it the lawful and representative body of the Papuan people, at home and abroad, in the struggle to uphold their basic rights, including their civil and political rights, by peaceful means, while giving priority to a Dialogue to Rectify History, nationally and internationally.

As holder of the Mandate of the Papuan People, the meeting issued the
following statement:

1. The Papuan People express their deep appreciation to the leaders and
people of the member states of the Pacific Islands Forum for their solidarity
and support for the Papuan people's struggle for the restoration of their
political rights and sovereignty by peaceful means. The Papuan people also
urge the Dutch Government, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, the
Government of the United States of America and the United Nations to honestly
and responsibly reconsider their role in the political conspiracy against the
status of the land of Papua (Dutch New Guinea or West Irian).

2. For 36 years, the National Liberation Army Free Papua Organisation
(TPN/OPM) has conducted a guerrilla struggle in the bush for an Independent
Papua in keeping with the innermost yearnings of the people of the land of
Papua. While expressing the highest respect for their struggle, we call for an
end to armed confrontation and to work together to press for peaceful efforts
through political dialogue in the struggle for the Political Rights and
Sovereignty of the Papuan nation.

3. We most earnestly call upon the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and the Police of the Republic of Indonesia (Polri) who have made it a habit of using repressive military operations to stop these military operations. These operations have resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths among the Papuan people. The land of Papua is no longer a Military Operations Zone. The TNI/Polri should adopt a different approach which is humane, which respects the dignity of the Papuan people and their basic rights and should actively strive to resolve the Papuan political conflict by means of a just and democratic political dialogue.

4. The Central Government has now given its full support for Special
Autonomy, after the Papuan People demanded the restoration of their political
rights and sovereignty. But this will not promote a comprehensive, peaceful
solution to the Papuan political conflict. The Indonesian Government is
trying to impose this social contract. It has not only ignored the aspirations of
the Papuan people but, with the arrogance of those in power, it has shown no
understanding of the real substance of the Papuan question and has forced
through the wishes of those in power. The enactment of the law on Special
Autonomy is yet another example of the way in which the fate of the Papuan
people has been decided by others, just as happened with the New York
Agreement of 1962 and the People's Consultation in 1969. Bearing in mind this political tragedy, the Papuan people urge the Central Government, the Parliament (DPR), the Regional Government and the Regional Assembly (DPRD) to ensure that all political decisions that relate to the fate of the Papuan people should be based on wishes and sovereignty of the Papuan people. The Papuan Council
herewith declares that it firmly rejects Special Autonomy for Papua and will
wage a peaceful and democratic struggle for the restoration of the political
rights and sovereignty of the Papuan people. Development is the right of the
people and the responsibility of the government and must be implemented in
full accord with the political aspirations of the people. Throughout their
struggle, the Papuan people have never demanded Special Autonomy. What they demand is a
Dialogue on the Rectification of History, and acknowledgement of legal and
political rights for the land and people of Papua.

5. The Papuan people deeply regret the Indonesian Government's policy of
discrimination. In the case of Aceh, it continues to seek dialogue while
rejecting peaceful dialogue with the Papuan people. Ever since the Papuan
Consultative Assembly and the Second Papuan Congress of 2000, the Papuan
people have consistently called for Political Dialogue between the Papuan people and
the government of the Republic of Indonesia. The Indonesian government must
explain the background and the reason for the discrimination in its approach
towards the political conflicts in Aceh and Papua.

6. The Papuan people regard the arrest and trial of the Presidium and
Papuan Council Panel members who have been accused of rebellion as a legal
process aimed at the entire Papuan people. The Papuan people support all
efforts to uphold the supremacy of the law but, for the sake of justice, the
Indonesian government must show a greater will and more actively push for the
resolution of the Papuan question by political means, in step with actions to
arrest and put on trial the Papuan people.

7. We call upon the entire Papuan people to resist all forms of
provocation and the policy of divide and rule and to do everything in their power to strengthen the unity of the people in the spirit of Papuan nationalism. Based
on this awareness, the Papuan Council calls on all sectors of society to be
pro-active in ensuring consolidation and conciliation in the spirit of One
Nation One Soul. All Papuans must restrain themselves and avoid doing
anything that could lead to people discrediting each other, because the struggle to
restore the political rights and sovereignty of the Papuan people is a noble
struggle based on the aspirations of all the sons and daughters of the land of
Papua.


Jayapura, 20 October 2001

On behalf of the Papuan Presidium Council:

Theys Hiyo Eluay

Rev. Herman Awom, S. Th
Moderator

Thaha Mohammad Alhamid,
Secretary-General

HOTSPOTS OF VIOLENCE AND BRUTALITY EMERGING IN MANY PARTS OF WEST PAPUA

Report prepared by TAPOL on the basis of information received on 19 October
2001 from ELS-HAM, the Jayapura-based Institute for Human Rights Study and
Advocacy.

While the situation in Wasior (Manokwari district) continues to
deteriorate, there are clear indications of a wave of brutality by the
security forces in other parts of West Papua. In some cases the brutality
has been sparked by actions from the TPN, (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional),
the armed wing of the OPM but the brunt of the brutality is felt by civilians.

[Note: the army's regional command in Jayapura, under its commander
Major-General Mahidin Simbolon, has concocted a new name for the TPN, 'KSB'
which stands for 'kelompok separatis bersenjata' or 'armed separatist
gang', insisting that there can only be one army in the territory, the TNI.]

Ilaga, Central Highlands
Following three days of clashes between the TPN/OPM and the security forces
(TNI and the Indonesian police), a number of extra troops were flown into
Ilaga where they have been behaving very brutally towards the local
population. As a result, local people, including non-Papuans, have fled to
sub-distrct Simak in the district of Mulia. ELS-HAM sources report that all
the villages in the sub-district of Ilaga are now occupied by army and
police, and a number of school buildings and churches have been burnt down,
along with all their contents.

According to this report, the events leading up to the three-day clash in
Ilaga were as follows:

On 25 September, a TPN/OPM unit led by Titus Murib, while on patrol from
their base in Desa Pinapi , met up with a man from Desa Kuyawagi who
suggested that they go and seize weapons from a TNI base in Ilaga, so as to
increase their own supply of weapons. They followed his advice.

Three days later, on 28 September a police office named Harun was attacked
while on his way home from prayers and his weapon was seized. The Kimmak
village head who saw this happen threw a rock at one of the TPN men
involved in the attack, hitting TPN member Ikiapik Murip in the back. He
fell to the ground and his two colleagues fled. Members of the local police
force and army command, Koramil, came to the scene and shot Ikaipik Murip
dead as he lay on the ground.

The news of Murip's death spread through the area, leading to three days of
clashes between forces of the TPN/OPM and the security forces. The security
forces then called in reinforcements from Nabire and Timika, after
spreading (false) reports that three of their men had been killed. The
reports led to a lull in the fighting, but when the TPN men realised that
the reports were false, they responded by burning down local government
offices.

We were informed in an earlier comment by a local Catholic police that
feelings in the area were already running high because assurances that had
been given by the security forces when two Belgian hostages were released
some weeks earlier had been breached.

On 1 October, additional troops were dropped in the area by helicopter. As
they were landing at Amunggarub in Ilaga, the troops opened fire, injuring
a local man. After landing, nearby houses were destroyed and livestock were
shot dead. Many of the local people fled. One TPN member, Das Kokoya, was
shot dead but his body has not been found.


Wamena town tense
After a local man named Thomas Hubi, 35, was shot dead, normal life in the
town came to a standstill, with shops closing and no one seen on the
streets. Armed troops were out in force.

An ELS-HAM local contact reports that the victim was shot in the mouth and
the bullet exited through his brain. A plea by the victim's family to the
local police to investigagte the murder has not been heeded.

Angered by the lack of any investigation, the victim's family said they
wanted to take action but were prevailed on not to do this by the local
ELS-HAM volunteer.

ELS-HAM in Jayapura has warned that any delay in police action following
this murder could result in retaliatory action against the police and cause
new problems in Wamena, a year after the Wamena Tragedy of 6 October 2000.


Arrests of 7 TPN members in Kali Kopi, Timika
Following a report in The Jakarta Post on Friday that seven members of
TPN/OPM had been captured by the army in Kali Kopi, Timika, the local press
has reported that two of the seven men were taken to hospital under heavy
guard. One of the men, AW, is known to have undergone an operation but the
nature of his condition is not known. Tight security surrounds the two men
in hospital.

The other men are reported to be under investigation and are likely to face
charges connected with possessing weapons. One TPN member, John Magai, was
shot dead when the seven men were arrested, and five soldiers were killed,
according to an ELS-HAM source.

People attending a funeral feared dead in Kampung Pama, near Timika
Meanwhile, a church source in Timika told ELS-HAM on 16 October that troops
based in Timika involved in operations in Kali Kopi surrounded Kampung Pama
in the village of Nagaro, Kali Kopi, 6 kms east of Timika. It is feared
that some inhabitants of the village have been shot dead.

The source reports that on 14 October, a large crowd of people from Timika
travelled in a number of vehicles to Kampung Pama to attend the funeral of
an acquaintance, Anderaes Koyoga, 35, who had died following a snake bite.
Before leaving Timika, they had made their intentions known to the local
police and had been given the go-ahead to make the journey.

However, on the following day, while a large crowd of mourners was gathered
in Kampung Pama, the area was surrounded and attacked the security forces.
Three people, including one woman, managed to escape the encirclement and
say that they fear that some people were shot dead during the operation.

The area is now sealed off making it impossible for church officials and
humanitarian activists to monitor the situation. A church official in
Timika has appealed to the regional commander, Major-General Simbolon to
withdraw his men and allow church officials to enter.

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

Gus Dur to testify in court

October 17, 2001

R.K. Nugroho, The Jakarta Post, Jayapura

Former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid is scheduled to appear at the
Jayapura District Court on Oct. 22, 2001, to give testimony on behalf of
several executives of the Papuan Council Presidium (PDP) who have been
charged with subversion.

A team of lawyers who accompanied the defendants in the subversion case, said
they had gained confirmation from the former president that the latter would
testify in court.

"We have met with Gus Dur at his residence in Jakarta and he has confirmed
his readiness to testify. Gus Dur will arrive in the city on Oct. 22 from
Bangkok, where he is scheduled to deliver a speech during a seminar on
international terrorism," Latifah Anom Siregar, coordinator of the lawyers
team, said upon arrival here from Jakarta over the weekend.

Gus Dur is to give testimony in connection with his Rp 1 billion contribution
for the Dec. 1, 2000 Papuan People's Congress in the city.

Aside from Gus Dur, Bambang Wijoyanto, director of the Foundation of
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI) and former Irian Jaya deputy governor
Djopari, will also appear as witnesses in the court session. Bambang is to
testify as an expert witness while Djopari is to testify to the court in
relation to his role of granting permission for the congress to be held.

Theys Hiu Eluay, PDP chairman, Thaha Al Hamid, PDP secretary-general, Don A.
Flassy, chairman of the Independent Youth Organization, Rev. Herman Awom and
John Mambor, a PDP member, are facing life imprisonment for their alleged
involvement in the movement to incite the Papuan people to fight for the
province's independence.

The congress had sparked clashes between PDP supporters and local riot police
leaving scores of police personnel and civilians injured. At least six people
were killed in a bloody clash between proindependence Papuans and security
personnel in Merauke a day after the congress.

The defendants appreciated Gus Dur's willingness to provide testimony to the
court.

"For the Papuan people, Gus Dur is not only a statesman but also an
intellectual who has a special place in the hearts of the Papuan people,"
Thaha Al Hamid, PDI secretary-general, said.


Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

The following is the text of the letter to Mary Robinson, drafted at the
Second West Papua Solidarity in Germany, held in Neuendettelsau from 15 -
17 October 2001.

Mary Robinson,
United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights,
Geneva,
Switzerland

16th October 2001

Petion against Human Rights Abuses of West Papuan People
by the Indonesian Military and by the Indonesian Police Force

Your Excellency,

We, the delegates attending the Second International Solidarity
Conference on West Papua held in Neuendettelsau, Germany, from 15-17th
October 2001, wish to express our alarm at the continuing human rights
violations committed by the Indonesian military and police in West Papua.
Most specifically, we call for the ongoing military and police operations
in Wasior subdistrict of Manokwari and Ilaga in the Central Highlands to be
halted immediately. These operations are causing great suffering, and loss
of life and property. We are particularly concerned about the savety of
human rights defenders, who have been threatened and prevented from
carrying out their work. We strongly condemn the pressure being exerted on
the local media for reporting human rights abuses. We urge you to impress
upon the Indonesian government the need to convene a Human Rights Courts in
Makasar, to consider the crimes against humanity committed by the police in
Abepura in December 2000. We call on you to consider sending the Special
Rapporteurs for Extra-judicial Killings, Torture, and Freedom of
Expression, and the Working Group on Arbitary Detention to West Papua as
soon as possible.

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Croydon CR7 8HW, UK.
tel +44 020 8771 2904 fax +44 020 8653 0322
tapol@gn.apc.org www.gn.apc.org/tapol

Secret operation launched to undermine and destroy the pro-independence
movement in West Papua

October 12, 2001

TAPOL

It can now be revealed that top-ranking Indonesian government officials and
military and police intelligence agencies were so disturbed by the stunning
success and political impact of the Grand Congress held in Jayapura last
year that led to the creation of the Papuan Presidium Council (PPC), that
they conspired to launch a counter-intelligence operation to undermine and
destroy all pro-independence activities in West Papua.

The plan was put into operation in June 2000, initially for a six-month
period, to be following by a second phase.

(We also have received leaked copies of documents from the police force in
Irian Jaya to the chief of the Indonesian police, marked 'Secret' and dated
November 2000, which contain operational plans of the provincial police 'to
handle the activities of the separatist Free Papuan movement in order to
uphold the law'. We hope to be able to produce a summary of the contents of
these documents in due course.)

Much that has happened in West Papua especially since October 2000 when
provocative actions by the police in Wamena in the central highlands led to
a major incident during which dozens of people were killed and 22 Papuans
were tried and convicted of subversion for flag-raising activities and for
being members of the Papuan Presidium Council's local panel should be seen
in the context of this secret intelligence operation.

An insight into what the security forces planned fifteen months ago will
show that many of the events that have cost dozens of lives and forced many
thousands of people in Wasior to flee their homes are the result of an
intelligence operation that was set in motion to reverse the eruption of
pro-independence demonstrations and activities that were such a striking
feature of the political situation in West Papua in the months following
the Grand Papuan Congress that took place in May-June 2000.

The plan for this intelligence operation is set forth in a set of documents
marked 'Sangat Rahasia' - Top Secret - that was leaked to human rights
activists in Jayapura and passed on to TAPOL. We have no doubt that the 23
pages of documents and diagrams are authentic.

The documents reveal that on 8 June 2000, just days after the Papuan
Congress ended, a meeting was convened by the head of the Directorate for
'Kesbang dan Linmas' (which probably stands for 'Development and Protection
of Society) of the Ministry of the Interior 'to discuss ways of handling
the problem of Irian Jaya (Papua) following the Papuan People's Congress'.

Participants at the meeting included top-ranking officials from the key
military and police intelligence agencies and from key government
departments. They included the Second Deputy Head of BAKIN (the
government's intelligence agency), two officers from Directorate A of BAIS
(army intelligence), an official of Paban C-1 of BAIS, the commander of
Kopassus Second Battalion, the intelligence chief of KOSTRAD (the army's
strategic reserve corps), Paban-IV (?) from armed forces hearquarters, a
top official from another Interior Ministry department, a senior officer
representing the TNI's territorial chief of staff, the intelligence chief
and another official of the Police Force (Polri), and an official from the
Foreign Ministry. [Note, some of the acronyms/designations of the persons
attending are difficult to decipher.]

In a letter to the Minister of the Interior, Ermaya Suradinata, head of
'Kesbang dan Linmas' reporting the results of the meeting, said that the
meeting had concluded:

+ that social/political conditions in Papua following the Papuan Congress
had become very volatile and that agreement had been reached to take
speedy, concrete actions to anticipate ever-growing support in Irian Jaya
and more generally throughout Indonesia;

+ the population right down to the villages were in a state of euphonria
over the question of Independence, that a conspiracy of those in favour of
Independence was becoming very solid and that efforts were underway to
spread the results of the Papuan Congress to all corners of the territory,
to the whole of Indonesia and even to the wider world.

+ that agreement had therefore been reached to set up a special taskforce
with a Work Programme designed to handle political developments in Irian
Jaya (Papua);

+ that the work programme of the taskforce should take careful account of
the special characteristics of society in Irian Jaya - tribal and religious
elements - in designing an overt and covert (clandestine) programme of work.

The meeting also agreed that government agencies and officials should adopt
a common language in dealing with Irian Jaya so as to avoid sowing
confusion among local officials, that there was the need for a 'legal
umbrella' to protect those who would take repressive actions, that local
government bodies should be cleansed of persons contaminated with
pro-independence ideas such as Don Flossi and Philip Karma, and that the
strategic target of the taskforce should be: community leaders, religious
leaders, traditional leaders, youth and student leaders and the local media.

A second document that sets out the operational plan in detail states in
the introductory paragraph that the Papuan Presidium Council was the
creation of the OPM to promote its plan to liberate West Papua. The OPM
strategy consists of three parts, the armed struggle which consists of
attacking TNI posts, murdering civilians and kidnaps, political actions
which consists of demonstrations, reshaping public opinion, raising the
Kejora flag and setting up local organisations like the Satgas Papua, and
diplomatic activity which consists of trying to influence international
opinion, creating organisations abroad, using international NGOs and
setting up a provisional government.

The response must be threefold, to change the state of affairs in the whole
territory, to set up a network of communications and to carry out
diplomatic activity as a counter to the pro-independence forces.

The first objective aims to create more conducive conditions in Irian Jaya,
improve the functioning of local government so as to win the hearts and
minds of the people in favour of remaining within the Unitary Republic of
Indonesia and creating a situation that is attractive to investors.

The communications network should direct its attention towards people who
are in a position to influence public opinion; this should be done within
the territory as well as outside Irian Jaya to deal with efforts to win
support elsewhere. The targets are identified as being traditional leaders,
tribal chiefs, religious leaders, intellectuals, youth and students.

Diplomatic activity is aimed at winning the support of the international
community in favour of Indonesia's continued sovereignty over Irian Jaya.
(The results of these efforts can be seen in the international pressure
that was brought to bear on Nauru to refuse to allow Presidium Council
representatives to attend the Pacific Islands Forum held in August this
year, a complete reversal of the position adopted last year when PPC
representatives were granted observer status.)

Agencies taking part in the operation include the departments of foreign
affairs, of defence and security and of the interior, the police force, the
armed forces, the Bakin and BAIS intelligence agencies and the regional
government. The mass media must also be involved, along with Papuan
community and religious leaders and local NGOs that support the Indonesian
Government.

The operation will be conducted at two levels, open or overt activities
involving the general public and covert or clandestine activities involving
intelligence operations and efforts to co-opt the services of certain
individuals in positions of leadership in the community.

Activities will include accelerating the progress towards autonomy at the
provincial and district level supported by financial incentives from the
centre, the creation of more district-level and municipal-level
administrations, accelerating the process towards splitting West Papua up
into several provinces, building churches and other religious centres as
well as schools, improving the means of transportation and other facilities.

The history of Irian Jaya's integration into the Republic should be widely
promoted.

In order to improve the communications network with the population, there
should be a campaign to recruit and train people as members of civil
defence and people's resistance. (In other words, creating militias.)
Efforts should be made to improve the interaction and social intercourse
between locals and newcomers - transmigrants - and to strengthen relations
between local communities and local army and police command posts.

The plan also envisages the conducting of inter-active dialogue, locally,
regionally and nationally around the theme of the unity of the state. There
should also be regular gatherings of people at which affirmations are made
in favour of supporting the territorial integrity of the Unitary State of
Indonesia (NKRI), encompassing Irian Jaya.

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY MUST ACT TO HALT JOINT FORCES TEAM SENT TO WASIOR
TO HUNT DOWN ARMED CIVILIAN GROUP

Summary by TAPOL, October 12, 2001

A report received Thursday from the Advocacy Team for Wasior states that a
joint forces team has been dispatched to Wasior to crush a civilian armed
group led by Daniel Awom. The team was spotted departing by sea from
Manokwari on Wednesday evening.

One source says that the team is headed by police commissioner Asep
Yarkasih from the police force and includes members of the Indonesian army
(TNI), police, some retired army officers and local civilians. They are
armed with M-16s. The civilians have been included to help show the way for
the others. The team is carrying large amounts of money to offer as rewards
for apprehending the targets. Another source says that the joint forces
team was formed by the Trikora military command. Kodam XVII Trikora.

At first, it was thought that the team was made up of 15 persons but others
were spotted already on board as the team was about to depart.

One of those taking part in the operation said the special operation would
last for one month and that if it failed to reach its target within that
time, reinforcements would be brought in to help conduct sweepings. The
operation is due to start on 15 October; three days later, on 18 October, a
large-scale operation will be launched.

One of the team members, Soleman, drew attention to a team member from
Brimob, the police force's special commandos. 'If we dont track them down,'
Soleman said, 'much more powerful operations will be mounted against
kampungs'. Brimob, the most brutal unit in Indonesia's police force, POLRI,
has been spearheading operations in Wasior for the past five months.

Soleman warned that all fact-finding teams working to investigation
developments in Wasior should disband because their activities could only
result in more victims. He also accused local NGO's of taking action only
in order to raise money for themselves.

A group of women from the police force women's organisation, Bhayangkara,
was also on the ship; they are tasked to channel supplies to the local people.

For the past five months, the police force have been conducting sweepings -
search and destroy operations - in Wasior to hunt down a group headed by
Daniel Awom believed to have been responsible for the attack on the
plantation, CV Vatika Papuana Perkasa on 13 June, which killed five members
of Brimob and some civilian employees; the gang also captured weapons and
ammunition.

During the past five months, these operations by Brimob have led to the
capture and maltreatment of 144 civilians, the extrajudicial killing of 12
people, the arrest of fifty people who now face prosecution. 27 people are
now under house arrest. In addition, 29 people have disappeared, 12 people
have died and dozens of homes have been burnt down. Hundreds more have fled
their homes while close on 10,000 people in Wasior now live in a state of
constant fear.

These atrocities in Wasior seem to count for nothing internationally where
all thoughts are now focused on events in the Middle East and the war
launched by the US and its allies in Afghanistan.

At the very time that the war against terrorism is being waged in
Afghanistan, Brimob troops supported by the Indonesian army are conducting
operations to hunt down and destroy armed groups in Wasior, Ilaga and
Sarmi, in West Papua. No one can predict how many innocent men, women and
children will be the victims of these operations.

Papuans victims of brutal repression

The Courier Mail [Queensland, Australia]
9 October 2001

David Costello, foreign editor

INDONESIAN President Megawati Sukarnoputri last month spelt out a blunt message for the people of Irian Jaya: You will never gain independence.

And according to human rights activists she is backing up her rhetoric with a more repressive approach in the rugged province where separatist West Papuan guerillas have waged a long bloody struggle against Jakarta.

John Rumbiak, supervisor of the West Papua Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (Els-Ham), says Ms Megawati is operating on two fronts.

"The first is this repression, deployment of additional forces in West Papua and this infiltration of the groups and arresting people to create fear," he said.

"The second is the offer of greater autonomy."

The crackdown is bad news for Els-Ham which has built an international reputation documenting abuses in Irian Jaya.

Mr Rumbiak, 39, a West Papuan who has studied in Canada and the US, claims that cycle of conflict will go on if the grievances of his people are not addressed.

As a human rights activist, Mr Rumbiak is cautious about indentifying too closely with the independence cause.

"I'm not talking about independence. I talk about self-determination. I am talking about a just and democratic process to allow all parties to sit down and resolve this problem," he said.

But he scoffed at Indonesian claims that human rights violations have stopped.

"I was so angry when Indonesian officials went to the Pacific Islands Forum in August, saying that in the past six months there was no human rights violation," he said.

"In a June operation in the Wasior area alone, 94 people were arbitrarily detained and tortured, even one death in police custody, 10 extra-judicially killed, 51 houses burnt down.

"No human rights violations? What are we talking about here."

On the autonomy front, a special package due to be implemented later this year does have significant sweeteners, including an offer to hand back 80 per cent of mineral royalties to the province.

This is a key concession given that Irian Jaya contains the massive American-controlled Freeport gold and copper mine at Grasberg, the largest single contributor to Indonesian tax revenue. But Mr Rumbiak said the autonomy offer failed to address the fundamental problems in Irian Jaya.

"It is not coming out from an understanding of why the people are demanding independence," he said.

"The people believe their right to self-determination has been denied. People have been seeking justice for many many years and they haven't got any."

Mr Rumbiak said a Home Affairs Department report leaked in October last year spelt out the strategies of offering special autonomy while employing security forces to step up clandestine actions within secessionist groups.

He said another aim was to prevent the internationalisation of the issue by lobbying foreign governments not to support the West Papuan cause.

Independence activists such as Papua Council Presidium representative Franzalbert Joku are convinced that Australia used its influence to prevent West Papuans from taking part in this year's Pacific Islands Forum in Nauru.

Mr Rumbiak concurred with that view.

"You see what happened in Nauru recently," he said.

"Nauru and Vanuatu had been very supportive (of the West Papuan cause). After the visit of former president Abdurruhman Wahid to Australia, that changed."

Mr Rumbiak acknowledged that the Australian Government had raised the issue of human rights abuses but said that this was not enough.

"The Australian Government has got to make sure that the repression measures now taken by Jakarta towards West Papua have to be stopped immediately," he said.

Mr Rumbiak said human rights violations in Irian Jaya go right back to 1969 and the UN-supervised "Act of Free Choice" which approved the incorporation of the former Dutch colony into
Indonesia.

It has long been claimed that the 1025 men selected to vote on behalf of an indigenous population of 800,000 were coerced into accepting integration.

"The 1969 Act of Free Choice was fraudulent and false," he said.

"We proved this by interviewing and documenting people involved.
They were saying they were coerced. Basically they were put in camps, picked up by the Indonesian officials, many of them were illiterate and many of them were not Papuans. There was a lot of intimidation. Some were threatened with death."

Mr Rumbiak said since then Indonesian forces have operated within a culture of impunity with personnel committing abuses usually escaping justice.

He cites as an example an Els-Ham report into military actions around the Freeport mine in 1994-95 which found there had been 16 summary executions.

These incidents had been verified by Komnas Ham, the official Indonesian human rights agency, but only one low-ranked officer had been convicted in relation to these killings.

Mr Rumbiak is also critical of the heavy involvement by the Indonesian military in the local economy and said generals had become rich through mining and timber ventures.

He also pointed to heavily military protection for controversial foreign concerns, particularly the massive Freeport mine.

He said an Els-Ham investigation had revealed that Freeport employed hundreds of military personnel, including troops from Kopassus, Indonesia's feared special forces.

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Jayapura, 5 October 2001

APPEAL BY SIX RELIGIOUS LEADERS IN PAPUA
[Summary only]

Statement by:

Rev. Herman Saud, chair of the Synod of the GKI
Rev. John Gobay, chair of Synod of GKII
Mgr Leo Laba Ladjar OFM, Bishop of Jayapura,
Rev. S Sofyan Yoman, secretary general of the Union of Baptist
Churches in Irian Jaya
Drs H Zubeir D, Hussein, chair of the Muslim Council of Irian Jaya,
Rev. Mestian Towolom, chair of the Synod of GIDI

We ask the forgiveness of the people because we who are called
upon to carry out a humanitarian mission have again failed to
protect human dignity and life and have been unable to prevent the
use of violence in the course of expressing opinions or handling
problems that have arisen in our beloved land. We affirm that we
will continue to fight for the interests of the victims to the
best of our ability.

Acts of violence are become a normal state of affairs in various
parts of Papua and have led us to fear that more violence could
happen. The following are some of the incidents that have occurred
recently:

1. The attack on 13 June 2001 in Wondoboi, Wasior sub-district,
Manokwari, when five members of Brimob and one civilian were
killed at a plantation, CV Vatika Papuana Perkasa, by a group of
armed men who the police allege were from the TPN/OPM. Following
that incident, the police force conducted a large-scale operation
against the population, resulting in the arbitrary arrest and
torture of at least 16 employees of the plantation, maltreatment
of members of the general public, the murder of at least six
persons, internal displacement of villagers from at least three
villages, the burning down and destruction of at least 51 houses,
the disappearance of at least seven people and the sealing off of
Wondama up to the present day.

2. The kidnap in Nengke village, Pantai Timur sub-district,
Jayapura district on 25 June of Hubertus Wresman by a group of
masked, armed men, believed by the local people to have been
members of Kopassus, the army's elite corps. The case was raised
with the military commander of the Trikora military command who
conducted a joint investigation with the police and the GKI Synod.
However, witnesses of the kidnap were unable to identify the
perpetrators, following which members of the GKI Synod and the
Director of ELS-HAM were accused of vilifying the reputation of
Kopassus. But the fact is that nothing is known to this day about
the whereabouts of the kidnapped man.

3. A dispute and fight between members of the TNI's 611 infantry
battalion and members of Brimob in Serui, Yapen-Waropen on 23
August which resulted in the death of two TNI members and injuries
to several others.

4. The discovery in Kali Maro, Merauke district of two bodies on
12 September which were identified as Willem Onde and Yohanes
Tumin, leaders of the TPN/OPM in Merauke. This led to feelings of
uncertainty and fear among the people because the security forces
have said nothing about how these deaths occurred.

5. An attack on 17 September by members of TPN/OPM in Pantai
Timur, Jayapura district on six persons engaged in survey work for
the company, PT Salaki, one of whom was killed while the other
five were injured.

6. An attack on 23 September by members of TPN/OPM on a
TNI/Kostrad post in the vicinity of transmigration site SP-7
Bonggo, Jayapura district, during which two soldiers were killed ,
four were gravely injured and several transmigrants were taken
hostage. One TPN/OPM member was killed during the attack.
Following this incident, troops from the regional military command
launched military operations against the TPN/OPM group involved.

7. An attack on the DPRD (local assembly) building in Serui,
Yapen-Warpen district on 23 September by hundreds of people,
following an act of robbery and maltreatment against local people
who were travelling on a boat from Serui to Dawai.

8. An attack on 28 September on military and police installations
in Ilaga, Puncak Jaya district by members of TPN/OPM, fllowing
which the security forces conducted a counter attack against the
TPN/OPM. It has not been possible to investigate the situation in
the area following this incident because of its remoteness and
because of very poor communications.

This series of incidents suggests that violence is not incidental,
that there is a systematic and planned cycle of violence, which
could go on without end. This cycle of attack and reprisal has had
the following consequences:

1. Deaths and serious injuries for members of the TPN/OPM and the
security forces, but even more so among the ordinary people who have been
caught in between the two conflicting, armed forces.

2. Internal displacement of people, fleeing their villages in
search of safety after clashes or as the result of operations launched
against the civilian population.

4. A blackout on efforts to discover the facts, causing confusion
among the people and a lack of attention by those in authority or the
general public to the needs of the victims. Moreover, efforts by members of
the several religious groups and humanitarian workers have been accused of
distorting the facts and besmirching reputations.

5. Incalculable material losses have been sustained by people on
all sides.

The things we have listed above are nothing new for us as
religious leaders and we have spoken about such things repeatedly
in the past. Nevertheless, we once again wish to state the following:

1. We call for an end to acts of violence by the TPN/OPM and the
security forces - the army and police - in view of the fact that
innocent people are the ones who suffer.

2. We call on the security forces and the TPN/OPM to pursue the
path of dialogue, using the good offices of a third party trusted
by both sides and to use the law to settle the conflict between
them.

3. We call for the setting up of a special investigation
commission on human rights, a KPP-HAM, by the the National Human
Rights commission to carry out thorough investigations to
establish the facts in cases where human rights abuses are thought
to have taken place so that the cases can be handled in accordance
with the law.

4. Full access to conflict areas that have been sealed off to
enable humanitarian intervention by NGOs or religious bodies to
help the victims, to provide emergency assistance and counsel the
families of the victims.

5. We called on the police to stop interrogating leaders of the
GKI Synod and ELS-HAM in connection with the incident in Betaf.

6. We call on all sides to stop using these acts of violence for
economic or political interests because this only further
intensifies the sufferings of the victims of violence.

7. We call on all sections of the media, print as well as
electronic, to report the facts in full, so as to serve the
interests of people who are the victims of all these incidents.

Jayapura, 5 October 2001

Indonesia: Irian Jaya HIV/AIDS Concerns

Australian Boradcasting Corporation
October 5, 2001

Analysis
By Mark Bowling

In the world's fourth most populous nation - Indonesia - health officials
admit that with the country's ongoing political and economic strife, little
has been done to combat the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS.

Treatment is expensive, and usually out of reach of common people, those most
at risk of contracting the disease.

The capital, Jakarta, has the highest rate of AIDS/HIV contraction. But
perhaps surprisingly it's Indonesia's most far-flung province where HIV is
spreading at the most alarming rate.

Also known as Papua Province, Irian Jaya is best known for its remote tribes.
Some which still practice stone-age traditions.

But health officials fear that rapid contact with the outside world has
brought with it a menace.

A decade ago there were no recorded cases of HIV/AIDS. This year there are
more than 500 cases so far.

It's not just that health officials are more aware of the problem, and now
keep close records.

Djoko Soegianto, head of Indonesia's AIDS program says it's no coincidence a
rapid increase in the number of AIDS/HIV cases corresponds with the start up
of new mining and fishing ventures, with workers coming from other provinces,
or from overseas.

"..the explosion will come very soon if we do not do anything for prevention.
And then of course we need very very strong support not only from the
government also from the non-government organization and also from donor
agencies."

Health workers in Irian Jaya blame foreign fishermen for introducing the
virus. It's now spreading rapidly.

The spread is being blamed on Papua's free-wheeling sex industry. The town of
Merauke, which is a base for visiting Thai fishermen has the highest
incidence: the latest figures show 26.5% of sex workers have tested HIV
positive.

There's little aids awareness. One of the difficulties is convincing Papuan
men to wear condoms.

But most government funding is now being spent on sex education; convincing
young Papuans to use condoms every time they have sex.

Djoko Soegianto head of national aids program "we started as a pilot project
in Merauke and Sorong. And then we adopted the system from Thailand that
already successful on 100% condom use programme there. If we don't focusing
on the targeted programme for HIV/AIDS prevention and control, so there will
be disaster."

Some of those with AIDS end up in the public hospital in Irian Jaya's
capital, Jayapura.

With most money spent on education campaigns, health officials admit they
don't have the funds to buy drugs for treatment. There's an urgent need for
international help.

Even Irian Jaya's remote highland communities, are now considered vulnerable,
because of occasional visits by tribesmen to sex workers in the towns and
cities.

also: New York Times, October 5, 2001: Poorly Prepared Asian Countries Warned of AIDS Epidemic
[excerpt: In Jakarta, Indonesia, 18 percent of women who work
in massage parlors and 40 percent of intravenous drug users at
treatment centers are infected.]

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

Irianese women targeted in HIV/AIDS campaign
Jakarta Post
September 30, 2001

By Simon Sinaga

TIMIKA, Irian Jaya (JP): In 1985, a missionary's prediction about the spread
of HIV/AIDS, then an alien disease in Indonesia's far-flung province, caused
people in Irian Jaya to shrink in fear.

The missionary said that in the Baliem Valley at the highlands of Wamena,
there would be many deaths and orphaned children once the deadly HIV virus
infected people in that area.

Now, more than one-and-a-half decades later, the missionary's concern has
proven not that far-fetched. Irian Jaya has the highest rate of HIV/AIDS in
the country.

In fact, "the curve of HIV spread here follows that of Papua New Guinea or
the African curve; it has reached an alarming level," said Dr. Paul
Crouch-Chivers of AEA, who is working for mining company PT Freeport
Indonesia (PTFI).

Those who have contracted HIV are mostly men in their productive years from
20 to 39 years of age and sex workers. But military personnel, government
employees and a Catholic priest have also been infected by the unbeatable
virus.

As of June this year, official figures showed 599 people had contracted the
HIV virus, 224 of whom had developed full-blown AIDS. More than half of them
have died.

The number of people infected with HIV/AIDS in Indonesia has reached 1,956
overall, meaning Irian Jaya's figures make up almost 30 percent of the
figure.

There has been no documentation about the origin of HIV virus infection in
the easternmost island of Indonesia. Local communities used to believe, and
some people still do, that it was introduced by outsiders.

Doctors believe that the disease was first contracted in Irian Jaya through
Thai fishermen docking in Merauke, the country's and province's southernmost
port.

The first case of HIV infection was officially reported in Merauke in 1992.
Two years later the first AIDS patient was also identified in Merauke. Last
year, one case of HIV infection was found almost every day, with Merauke now
making up more than half of the HIV/AIDS cases in Irian Jaya.

Heterosexual intercourse has been the main means of the spread of HIV.

"In Merauke, HIV cases are mostly detected among people who keep on changing
sex partners," said Fransisca Nuhunayan, a campaigner for Santo Antonius
Foundation (YASANTO) that provides counseling and support to HIV/AIDS
patients.

HIV transmission in Irian Jaya, however, is part of a web of complexities.

In mining communities in Timika, the presence of many lonely and unattached
miners has helped sustain the availability of commercial sex workers. These
miners mostly come down to Timika over the weekend for various purposes
including seeking prostitutes.

Crouch-Chivers said while the HIV epidemic in Timika was in the early stages
"the annual incidence rate would continue to increase unless there were
significant changes in sexual behavior by using condoms or limiting the
number of partners."

Part of the speed of transmission can be attributed to the Irianese way of
life. Doctors, health officials and NGO workers say the male members of a
number of local communities still practice free sexual relations such as
exchanging wives, passing on widows to younger brothers and acquiring new
partners.

They say the potential for transmission during tattooing, practiced by many
locals, cannot be underestimated. There is also the habit of having sex
without foreplay that can easily injure genitals.

In Timika, for example, more than two thirds of the 111 HIV cases are found
among the Irianese. By the end of this year, the number is likely to be
confirmed at 200, said health officials.

Women

Officials, doctors and activists said special attention needed to be directed
at mothers. Dr. Crouch-Chivers said that in Timika, for example, there was
the potential for infection during pregnancy and blood transfusion. "I am
sure we will start to see infected new-born babies in the future."

Indeed, surveys by Irian Jaya health agency show that sexual harassment and
ill treatment of wives are still rampant among the local population in Irian
Jaya villages and towns. They come in the form of verbal attacks, forced
sexual activity and having sex with other women with the wives' knowledge.

"Some of the women still have sexual intercourse with their husbands although
they know that their husbands are infected," said Dr. Gunawan Ingkokusumo, a
senior member of staff of a health agency in Jayapura.

Much can be learned in the efforts to curb HIV spread in Irian Jaya by
studying similar challenges in other countries.

More people, including the private sector, the government and NGO activists
are now involved in programs and campaigns to raise awareness and prevent the
wider spread of HIV. The media have also tried to attract the attention of
the local population and migrant workers by reporting on HIV/AIDS issues in
the news and by organizing seminars.

In Merauke, YASANTO has played a leading role in awakening the awareness of
the community to the danger of HIV/AIDS.

But Fransisca said it takes more than just knowledge to halt the spread. The
foundation has helped develop small businesses in Merauke communities to
improve the people's wellbeing, thereby increasing awareness of health
issues.

The small business program of YASANTO has given special attention to mothers
and women in their productive age. "By improving the welfare of women, we
improve the welfare of their families," said Fransisca.

Crouch-Chivers said his company's had incorporated the sexually transmitted
diseases (STD) program from 1995. "The virus is transmitted easily when a
person has unprotected intercourse, especially when there is also coexisting
STD such as syphilis or gonorrhea."

Since the ready availability of sex workers has become a major attraction of
Timika, PTFI's program has reached out to commercial sex workers, bars and
discos.

This approach has enabled widespread dissemination of information and
condoms. The doctor cautioned, however, that while awareness and knowledge of
prevention and the use of condoms has increased, the situation has yet to
improve.

He said more people knew they had to use condoms for safe sex with sex
workers but they tended to forget during sex. Providing HIV/AIDS drugs for
infected people is not feasible in the near future due to the steep costs.

Officials and doctors said sex education about the dangers of HIV/AIDS would
take place effectively among families and school-aged children.

Health official Ingkokusumo has also called on the tribal foundations and
local government to help with the campaign.

Ingkokusumo said the government and local foundations needed to act promptly
to curb the fast-growing sex commerce in parts of Irian Jaya, through the use
of condoms in red-light districts.

The doctor, who completed his masters degree in medical anthropology with a
research on the sexual behavior of Dani men in Wamena, said that the
authorities could, for example, ban the sexual activity that took place in
the Honai shelter house in Wamena.

He said the HIV/AIDS problem in Irian Jaya was similar to a fire that ignited
in a dry forest.

"If we are not alert to the fire, it will spread and scorch a big part of the
human resources needed to build this province. The concern (of the
missionary) that villages will be ravaged due to HIV/AIDS may actually come
true."

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

BIG TENSION IN RANSIKI - ICRA INTERNATIONAL WITNESS OF INTIMIDATION

Survey of Icra - International Commission for the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples - based in Paris

We just come back from Ransiki. The situation is very very bad there.

We went there one week ago to make a enquiry about the conflict in
Wasior. At mid day we went to the beach to discuss with people. We came
back on the main road to take a taxi and we saw one Papua being beaten
by two Brimob. We hide directly in a house. The Brimob beat him very
strongly with his foot. He threat the Papuan with his automatic gun. He
beats him on his testicles many times after he used
his butt to beat him after the Papuan crawled on the soil. It was
horrible.

Many times since we are working on Papua struggle we heared this story
but when you see it, you realize the amazing struggle of Papuan People
and the atrocities of Indonesian soldiers. We hide in the house during
one hour. We left by the back door but one javanese saw us. He tries to
follow us by taxi but we disappeared throught the forest and cacao
plantation thank to clever Papua.

We came back several days after. The familly told us that one man called
Awon has been catched by the police three hours after we left
Ransiki. He is in big trouble. His wife and his 5 children are
exhausted.

In Ransiki, the situation is untenable since wednesday. They used
intimidation every day like we saw. Brimob check every house to see if
there are no people without identity card otherwise they put them in
jail and beat them.

Brimob raped two children several times. When the parents take them back
they beat them also. One man of 20 year has been beaten seriously with
the butt.

Please help Papua People there. Brimob from Mollucu are very dangerous
people.

More information will follow but we can't say now.

Lauxon Warloya
Icra International

The Independence Of West Papua Is Inevitable And Non-Negotiable

from: John E. Somer, General TPN
OPM Supreme Commander
Email: jsopm@hotmail.com

Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM)
Free Papua Movement (FPM)

Public Statement
August 21, 2001

The Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) or Free Papua Movement (FPM)
has been the sole widely representative body for the independence
aspirations of the people of West Papua all through the past 38
years of our struggle. After carefully watching recent regional
and international political changes, the OPM feels it is necessary
to make our position clear in regard to what is happening now in
Indonesia and the Pacific region in relation to the issue of the
people of West Papua and their struggle for independence. This is
to ensure there is no confusion by the regional and international
community.

West Papua occupies a strategic position between Asia and the
Pacific regions and between Muslim and Christian dominated
societies. West Papua's population, natural resources, land mass
and strategic geographical position make us a powerful player in
the region. It is our belief that the process of resolution of
independence for West Papua has the potential to either stabilize
or destabilize the region. We see that changes in the
international and regional context following the end of the cold
war and since means West Papua independence is inevitable. This
changing context led the OPM to see it is possible to solve the
problem of West Papua independence without violence. But we want
to be clear that our peoples' aspiration for independence is
something that will not die. We are therefore also ready to fight
to the last man if necessary to ensure we secure justice and
independence for West Papua.

The OPM would like to thank Nauru for highlighting the
disadvantage of West Papuan factions during the recent Pacific
Islands Forum. Many of us don't see this disadvantage and your
criticism is therefore constructive because it made us look at
ourselves. It is the first time one of our neighbors in the
Pacific talk honestly about this issue. However, we see the
factions that exist in our liberation movement as something that
is common to all liberation movements. It is an internal matter
for us to resolve. We are united in our aspiration for
independence.

At the same time, we are very sorry because you have also shown
Nauru is not genuine in your support for justice and
self-determination for West Papuan people; it seems you have
interest to gain part of our land for yourselves. 600,000 West
Papuans have already sacrificed their lives for our land during
the liberation struggle; they died for the land of West Papua. So
you must be clear, the OPM will never allow any part of our land
to be sold.

The revelation of your true motivation in supporting us has caused us to lose trust that our Pacific neighbors have genuine interest in our struggle for justice. It means we are suspicious that you and our other neighbors in the Pacific can be easily manipulated by colonial interests. If you value peace and stability in our region, we urge you to look at your self when you support colonial interests against the interests people of West Papua.

In response to Mrs. Megawati Sukarno Putri's statements on
attaining office as Indonesia's 5th President that independence
will not be tolerated for West Papua, we would like to point out:

- -· Our stand is very clear and that is that independence for West
Papua is not negotiable, so it is a waste of time talking about
autonomy. West Papua people's aspiration for independence will not
die and our 65,000 fighters are ready to fight to the last man.

- -· We do not accept your apology without independence. To us it is
just another lie in a long line of lies, starting with the
so-called Act of Free Choice and continuing through almost 40
years of brutal oppression of our people. It is time to stop
telling lies to the international community about the reality.

- -· Mrs. Megawati has been the leader of the Democracy Movement in
Indonesia and many people believed in her in the past 10 years.
Her recent statements show she is not genuine and that she is
contradicting the principles of the democracy movement in
Indonesia. Her presidency will not last long.

Indonesia today is not the same as the Indonesia of yesterday. The
people of Indonesia want peace, justice and democracy. To maintain
a large unitary state of Indonesia you need a large military to
contain it, and a military state does not allow democracy.
Democracy can only exist if the Indonesia state is modified which
will allow the military to be put back to the barrack. The
independence of West Papua is therefore in the best interests of
Indonesian democracy.

John Howard's statement in support of maintaining the unitary
state of Indonesia during his recent visit to Indonesia (which he
chose against attending the Pacific Islands Forum) is interference
in the domestic affairs of another state. He should realize that
such arrogance puts innocent Australians in danger. Australia
continues to defend its own interests as though Indonesia is the
same as before. The reality is that Indonesia is changing and
Australia should accept this and formulate new foreign policy
accordingly.

Australians fought and died in this region in WWII to defend
freedom and democracy against fascism. Why then do you continue to
support a fascist military state? West Papuans made a contribution
in defending Australia in WWII; Australia should compensate us
with political will to defend our right to freedom and justice.

West Papuan people have survived almost 40 years of oppressive and
brutal Indonesian colonialism. We have suffered too long, but we
have been patient and continue to look broadly to ensure peace and
stability for our region. We want to solve the issue of
independence for West Papua with peace and dialogue, but these
kinds of attitudes can push us to ignore the common regional
interests and to pursue our aspiration for independence through
whatever means we can. Thank you.

John E. Somer, General TPN
OPM Supreme Commander
Email: jsopm@hotmail.com

THIRTY-SECOND PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM
from AWPA

THIRTY-SECOND PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM
Republic of Nauru
16 - 18 August 2001

FORUM COMMUNIQUÉ

Regional Security

17. The Forum welcomed the progress on reaching an agreed basis for a
comprehensive political settlement in Bougainville.

18. The Forum welcomed the holding of elections in Fiji commencing on 25
August 2001.

19. The Forum expressed its support for the efforts of the Solomon Islands'
Government and people, and the work of the International Peace Monitoring
Team in the Solomon Islands and welcomed the decision to hold elections
later this year.

20. Forum Leaders expressed continuing concern about violence and loss of
life in the Indonesian province of Irian Jaya (West Papua). They encouraged
the Indonesian Government, the sovereign authority, to ensure that the
voices of all parties in the province are heard in order to achieve a
peaceful resolution of their differences. Forum Leaders welcomed the recent
presentation of special autonomy proposals to Indonesia's Parliament. They
also urged all parties to protect and uphold the human rights of all
residents in Irian Jaya (West Papua). Forum Leaders agreed to follow closely
developments in the province.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association, Sydney
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601698
_________________________________

August 15, 2001 - Franzalbert Joko Interview
SBS TV (Dateline Program)

Tomorrow, the representatives of 16 nations will gather in Nauru for this year`s Pacific Islands Forum. But missing from the guest list will be representatives from West Papua - an Indonesian province seeking independence. Although the West Papuans were given entree last year, this time around, host nation Nauru has told them they are not welcome. Indonesia, on the other hand, is joining the Forum for the first time. I spoke earlier with Franzalbert Joku of the Papua Presidium Council.

JANA WENDT: Mr Joko, welcome to Dateline. Why do you believe that your
representatives have been barred from the South Pacific Forum?

FRANZALBERT JOKU, WEST PAPUAN INDEPENDENCE LEADER: Jana, it was an event that was not unanticipated. Ever since we made it to Tarawa, the forum last in Kiribati, we more orless half expected that we would run into some turbulent waters, because Australia and other larger countries made it known openly that we were not welcome there, and the issue was sensitive, given the close relations of Australia and other countries such as my own, Papua New Guinea have with Indonesia. Indonesia
also from the day announcement was made that it was being allowed in as a post-forum dialogue partner, statements to that effect were also distributed through their embassies opposing West Papuan
participation at the forum.

JANA WENDT: Are you saying that Australia has been lobbying other member
nations to exclude you?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: That is not a new event, Jana. For the past 30 years or so, successive Australian governments have been uncomfortable with the West Papuan independence struggle for regional and stability consideration. So we are not surprised that this eventuated.

JANA WENDT: Well, let me just say that a spokesman for Foreign Minister Downer has said that Australia has had no contact with Nauru, either on a governmental or a diplomatic level and that Australia has not been lobbying. What do you say?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: I don't expect him to say anything else. Given the sensitive nature of the issue at hand and that is the standard diplomatic line to take. And I accept that.

JANA WENDT: And yet last year, after the conclusion of the forum, you were full of praise, were you not, for Australia?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: Because Australia allowed the consensus will to emerge and eventually being incorporated into the official communique, even though Australia had very strong reservations about its inclusion, inclusion of a position statement by Pacific Islands Forum.

JANA WENDT: So Mr Joko, what's changed then between last year and this year to harden Australia's attitude?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: Nothing has changed. I think what has happened is that there has beena lot of pressure, I know from Indonesia on Australian Government because if you recall, after the Tarawa Forum, accusations were levelled from Jakarta at Australia, even though they probably knew that Australia didn't quite support the West Papuan issue being discussed, and let alone being included in the forum communique. But Indonesia put the blame squarely on Australia. And I think Australia had to find a way to crawl out of that kind of uncomfortable position in my view.

JANA WENDT: The issue of your being excluded from the forum, the reason that is being given by the president of Nauru is that your people are bitterly divided and he says that you need to get your own house in order. How do you respond to that?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: Jana, this is the same old line which has been used by Indonesia, by Australia and various other countries to dampen the rising nationalism in West Papua. I'm not surprised that the same line has been used. And incidentally, the statement by President Rene Harris - At first glance, I thought it came from Canberra because it's almost word for word with the argument Prime Minister Howard advanced at the leaders retreat and later on at the formal session of the forum itself, arguing that West Papuans were not worth listening to, were bitterly divided and so on. So we're not surprised what has happened and we think we know where it came from.

JANA WENDT: Mr Joko, the forum kicks off tomorrow. Indonesia will have status there. You have no voice. That's a severe setback, isn't it?

FRANZALBERT JOKU: If you look at it that way. But for us, the forum is only part of a broader process to take up our issue. Our faith is not going to be decided at Nauru, or at any other forum. We wanted to give, and still do, to give opportunity for leaders and countries of this region to have a say and contribute towards finding a sustainable solution to the West Papuan problem. But forum is not everything. If the leaders in this country, governments in this region are not going to listen to our pleas for help, then we will take the West Papuan issue further afield, and hopefully there will be other parties who may be willing to listen to us.

JANA WENDT: Franzalbert Joko, we must leave it there. Thank you very much for your time tonight.

FRANZALBERT JOKU: It's a privilege talking to you Jana and hope to see you soon.
________________________________
Australia West Papua Association, Sydney
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601698
_________________________________
http://www.zulenet.com/AWPA/wpglue.html

Brimob troops will not be withdrawn

Received from ELS-HAM, Jayapura, 14 August 2001

Jayapura: The two companies of Brimob troops which were brought into
Manokwari following the killing of five Brimob men will not be withdrawn
until those responsible for the killings have been apprehended.
Commissionder Zulkifli AR, head of public relations of the police force in
Irian Jaya, insisted that the Brimob troops are not in any way disturbing
law and order in Wasior.

He blamed 'irresponsible elements' for inciting people in Wasior to flee
their homes.

He was speaking in response to a call (for Brimob troops to be withdrawn)
made by Lukas Sabarofek, member of the Indonesian parliament, the DPR,
during a meeting with the regional assembly in Jayapura. (kor)

WEST PAPUA APPEALS FOR HELP

10 August 2001

PRESIDIUM DEWAN PAPUA
International Relations
Post Box 4609 Phone/Fax: +675 3230832
Boroko NCD Phone: +675 3112184
Papua New Guinea E-mail: jokuf@yahoo.com

In accordance with the Resolution of the Second Papuan People's Congress
2000, which stipulated that peaceful endeavours be employed in the
pursuit of a just and sustainable solution to the political conflict in
West Papua, the Papua Council Presidium hereby appeals for financial
assistance to meet the cost of mounting an international legal challenge
to determine the political status of West Papua.

The West Papua case is a question of international law and a major human
rights problem that needs to be resolved urgently and conclusively. The
persistent abuse of human rights in West Papua by Indonesia is an issue
that must concern all who cherish the basic values of decent and
democratic societies.

As part of our strategy, the Council has resolved to pursue legal
challenges in all appropriate venues in its quest for self-determination
and the cessation of human rights violations in West Papua. The Council
has engaged the services of a leading Australian international lawyer,
Professor Sam Blay, of the University of Technology, Sydney, to lead a
team of consultants well versed in international conflict resolution.

Since the team has commenced work, the Council would be grateful if all
financial contributions could be remitted to the following account name:

"The West Papuan Benevolent Cultural and Self-Help Association Limited",
PO Box 128 Kings Cross, NSW 1340, Australia. ANZ Bank, Eastgardens, NSW,
Australia. Account number: 012-201 1007 39427.

All contributions will be fully receipted and individually acknowledged.

On behalf of the Papua Council Presidium

(signed)

Franzalbert Joku

Moderator

International Relations

*************************************************************
OTTIS SIMOPIAREF
Van Uvenweg 134-I
6707 BH Wageningen
The Netherlands
Ph.: +31.6.25575496 (The Netherlands)
+49.177.5664926 (Germany)
Email: osimopiaref@netscape.net

http://www.koteka.net
FREE WEST PAPUA from the Indonesian Occupation
*************************************************************

West Papua separatists prepare to fight in court
Sydney Morning Herald, 9 August 2001
by Hamish McDonald

A Sydney law professor will head an international study into whether
there are grounds for a legal challenge to the incorporation of
Western New Guinea into Indonesia in the 1960s.
Professor Sam Blay, a specialist in international law at the
University of Technology, Sydney, has been engaged by the
pro-independence Papuan Council Presidium in what is now the
Indonesian province of Irian Jaya, called West Papua by its
separatist movement.

The Netherlands, as the former colonial power, as well as the United
States and Australia as interested parties that exercised influence
at the time, may be challenged in international courts to resume
responsibility. Under heavy pressure from the US, The Netherlands
reluctantly handed over the territory to Indonesia in 1963 after a
brief United Nations interregnum. In 1969 the UN accepted an "act of
free choice", consisting of a vote by a
panel of 1,000 representatives effectively chosen by Indonesian
intelligence operatives.

Speaking in Sydney yesterday, the Presidium's international spokesman,
Franzalbert Joku, said the Papuan body believed it had a strong case
to overturn the legal base of Indonesian rule.Self-determination was a
legal right premised on freedom of choice and a
state of self-government advanced enough to make a responsible choice,
and should be exercised through democratic processes based on
universal adult suffrage. Failure to meet these requirements, and the
abuses and intimidation surrounding the 1969 process, rendered the act
of free choice invalid, Mr Joku said.

Ghanaian-born Professor Blay, formerly dean of law at the University
of Tasmania, is an expert in the law of self-determination with long
experience in Australia, Germany and the US. He will engage a team of
lawyers from The Netherlands, Indonesia and other countries. He said
the aim would be to use the law to get UN member nations to address
the case. This could be, for example, by seeking a declaration from a
Dutch court that Dutch conduct before decolonisation amounted to
dereliction of duty, or to get the UN General Assembly to seek an
advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
"Without the law, the West Papuans have no basis to argue a case," he
said.

The Papuans, meanwhile, bitterly condemned the revocation of visas by
the Nauru Government to their delegates, preventing them appearing at
next week's Pacific Islands Forum meeting on the tiny island nation.
Several Papuan delegates attended last year's forum in Kiribati. Mr
Joku accused the Australian Government of lobbying against the Papuan
presence at the forum. "We believe it is a case of a larger neighbour
twisting the arm of a smaller country to conform to the wishes of the
big power in the region." Indonesia will make its first appearance at
the forum as a new "dialogue partner".
(SMH 9/8/01)


Papua Post, 28 July 2001
Abepura case returned to Komnas HAM
Attorney-General's office says: documents incomplete
(Summary)

The Attorney-General's office has returned documents relating to the
Abepura case to the National Human Rights Commission because it says the
documents are incomplete. The case relates to an incident in Abepura, on
the outskirts of Jayapura, when police raided student hostels. Two people
were killed during and after the raids. (Komnas HAM set up a special
investigation team under Albert Hasibuan which conducted an investigation
into the case during which it encountered many obstructions from the police
and the Jayapura office of the Juatice and Human Rights Ministry. Komnas
HAM hopes that this will be the first case to be tried before Indonesia's
permanent human rights court sitting in Makassar, having identified this as
a case of gross human rights violations. The Komnas HAM team also named a
number of senior and middile-ranking police office who should be brought to
account for the atrocities.)

The Attorney General's office has given Komnas HAM thirty days in which to
complete the dossier. This includes producing material of a formal,
legalistic nature as well as a detailed chronology of the incident.

The Attorney General's decision means that Komnas HAM will need to devote
more time to complying with the AG's request.

[Comment: The Abepura investigation is considered as being a test case for
the effectiveness of the Human Rights Law of 2000, as senior officers could
face indictment, possibily bringing the police force as such into
disrepute. The police force, in particular Brimob, is in the forefront of
violations in West Papua. Much will depend now on who is appointed attorney
general in Megawati's cabinet, the composition of which is expected to be
announced on Wednesday. TAPOL]

THE PROSPECTS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDONESIA

TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

23 July 2001

The installation today of Megawati Sukarnoputri as president of Indonesia
confronts civil society and the human rights community in Indonesia with new
challenges, after two wasted years under the presidency of Wahid Abdurrahman.

Whatever his intentions when he accepted his election as president in October
1999, Wahid soon proved incapable of achieving anything in advancing the
programme of reformasi that was supposed to be the hallmark of his government.
This was because the forces rallied against him, the well-entrenched 'New
Order' elements as well as the armed forces, were determined to sabotage such
efforts.

For months before he was deposed, activists were warning that the encirclement
tactics used against him were shaping up into a coup d'etat. The former
president was effective only during his first few months in office when he
sacked senior army officers, most notably General Wiranto, the TNI
commander-in-chief who was responsible for the disastrous events in September
1999 in East Timor. By the middle of 2000, it was evident that Wahid was
losing the political battle against the old forces. As the offensive against him
escalated, his own erratic handling of the crisis damaged his reputation as
someone who was able to run the country and resulted in a yawning vacuum at
the heart of government.

Reformasi virtually became a dead letter and all efforts to bring the men
responsible for past violations of human rights and crimes against humanity
were frustrated by the legislature and by the executive's failure to overhaul
the judiciary, in particular the judges and the public prosecutors office.
Although the armed forces only occupies 38 seats in the People's Assembly,
they were able to block any serious reform measures.

The former president became the target of a virulent hate campaign in the free
press, one of the most important achievements of the post-Suharto era. This
reflects the fact that most of the print media is owned by former Suharto
cronies who know that substantial reform measures will jeopardise their
vested interests. Not only was Wahid portrayed as being incompetent and corrupt but
also as the root cause of the country's economic and political crisis.

The military had their own grievances against the Wahid government.
Discredited by decades of human rights violations and licking their wounds over their
defeat in East Timor, they reluctantly agreed to take a back seat in political
and economic affairs, and began to speak as if reform of the armed forces and
the end of their dwifungsi role was on their agenda. But by the beginning of
2001, they had been able so effectively to consolidate themselves internally
that they were in a position to strike back. When he tried to reshuffle the
TNI leadership, they began to defy his orders, rather timidly at first but by May,
they were engaged in open mutiny against their supreme commander. The main
conflict was how to handle the opposition forces in Aceh and West Papua where
the pressure for self-determination is strong, and the need to end impunity.

While many human rights activists and NGOs did what they could to support the
flagging efforts of the president, they too were unable to turn back the tide
unleashed against him and were forced to stand by helplessly as he was
unceremoniously dumped by forces whose commitment to reformasi is zero.

Deteriorating human rights

There has been a marked deterioration in the human rights situation in the
past year. Scores of people are now being held as political prisoners in various
parts of the country. Far from repealing articles in the Criminal Code that
criminalise legitimate political activities, 'hate-sowing' crimes and
accusations of rebellion are again being used in the courts of law.

The level of killings in Aceh has reached monstrous proportions. In his
efforts to accommodate his political foes, the former president agreed to issue a
presidential instruction in April which provided the armed forces with a
'legal umbrella' to conduct military operations, ending all hope of a peaceful
solution there. Numerous acts of provocation, widespread arrests and
kidnaps by the armed forces in West Papua have led human rights activists there to warn
that West Papua could soon become a 'second Aceh'. Regional conflicts continue
unabated and there are now more than a million internally-displaced people in
Indonesia.

The commitment of Indonesia's new president to reform remains to be seen. Her
close ties with the military do not augur well for the upholding of human
rights, for a peaceful solution to the conflicts in West Papua and Aceh and
for the restoration of the rule of law. Far from being able to take such an agenda
forward, she may soon find herself mired in the same snake-pit of political
intrigue that brought her predecessor down. The struggle for human rights in
Indonesia is likely to become even more difficult in the months and years to
come.

Detainee dies in custody in Manokwari

Report from ELSHAM, Jayapura, 20 July 2001

Translated by TAPOL

A West Papuan who was taken into custody in connection with the Wasior incident died while in police custody in Manokwari on Friday, 20 July.

Daan Yairus Ramar (51), head of the Council of the Tribal Wondama Community, died a few hours after being interrogated by criminal investigation police office in Manokwari, Iptu. Arif Satrio.

Medical personnel at the general hospital in Manokwari where his body was taken said that his body was covered in lacerations and bruises and his nose was filled with clotted blood. An activist from the legal aid NGO, the LP3BH, confirmed this after a meeting with a doctor as the hospital morgue.

The police insisted that the prisoner was ill when he arrived in Manokwari from Nabire and had a high fever at the time and had died of 'natural causes'.

Told about the death of their relative, members of the victims family went to the hospital to claim the body but were prevented from doing so by the police. A human rights activist was also denied access to the morgue. The hospital authorities were under orders from the police not to permit members of the victim's family to have access to the body.

Relatives of the victim, Bram Ramar, Nico Marani, John Haurisa and retired Mayor TNI AD Purn. Yomaki met with the police in Monokwari. Bram Ramar later said the police had asked them to sign a statement to the effect that they would not raise any questions about legal responsibility for the victim's death.

Once they had agreed to issue such a statement, they were permitted to take the body home for burial. The relatives of the victim later said however that they would press for legal responsibility for Daan Ramar's death. At the time of his arrest by the police in South Yapen, he was accompanied by his wife Amelia Wosiri (45 ), three daughters Ina Ramar (19 ), Ani Ramar (16 ), Sisera (10) amd two other daughterss. They were initially held in South Yapen Selatan and later transfered to Nabire and then to Manokwari.

The victim arrived in Manokwari on Thursday by ship aboard the KM Umsini (18/7:15.00 WIT) together with three other prisoners from Nabire. They were all handcuffed. According to a source at the Nabire police station, they had all been heavily tortured.

An ELSHAM volunteer reported on Saturday (21/7) that the wife and three daughters of the victim, along with three children from Yotam Aronggear, were transferred to Manokwari under heavy guard by members of Brimob. They had been held in custody in Yapen Waropen. since 15 July 2001. The transfer to Manokwari was against the wishes of the mother and children because they had nowhere to stay in Manokwari.

They would have preferred to go home to Nabire but that was not possible either because their home in Yotam Arongger had been torched by members of brimob and all their possessions had been destroyed. Meanwhile in Jayapura, another West Papuan, Anton Runggamusi who was shot by members of the police on 5 July 2001 died two weeks later. His body was taken by members of his family for burial on Saturday. Relatives of the victims later went to police headquarters in Jayapura to protest about what had happened to the victim.

ELS-HAM LEMBAGA STUDI DAN ADVOKASI HAK ASASI MANUSIA
Institute for Human Rigths Study and Advocacy
Jl. Kampus ISTP Padang Bulan Jayapura-PAPUA BARAT
Telp/Facx. 62 (0)967-581600.
E-mail : elsham-irja@jayapura.wasantara.net.id

ELS-HAM Director Receives Death Threats

The director of ELSHAM, the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy, Jaya Yohanes G, Bonay, has received several death threats by phone recently.

On 18 July, he received a phone call at his office. The caller said, 'You haven't got much longer to live, Pak Bonay', and put down the receiver. A similar call was received by his wife at home. That caller had identified himself as 'Marthen', and asked for Pak Bonay. After being given the phone number of ELSHAM, he phoned there and made the same threat.

Director Bonay said that ever since the organisation had been getting reports from the father of the victim about the kidnap of Huberthus Wresman (26) of Takar village, Betaf, he had been receiving a number of strange phone calls but it was only on Wednesday that the caller actually spoke to him in this way.

Urgent Action for Wasior

ELSHAM, the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy, Jayapura, issued the following Urgent Action on Monday, 16 July 2001

IMPACT OF SWEEPINGS AND CLAMPDOWN IN WASIOR, MANOKWARI, WEST PAPUA

"Thousands Flee, Kidnaps and Torture Everywhere, Houses Torched, Woman Shot Dead and Her Baby Wounded by Security Forces" Jayapura, 16 July 2001

Everything that ELSHAM feared about the 'Sweeping and Clampdown Operation" against the civilian population being conducted by the police backed by the regional military command has been borne out by events.

The security forces are not capable of safeguarding the basic human rights of the civilian population in Wasior, Ransiki, Kaimana (Fak-Fak) and Nabire who are the targets of this operation. As is known, the operation being conducted by the security forces came in the wake of an attack by 'an unidentified group' on 13 June which resulted in the deaths of five members of Brimob and a civilian in the village of Wondibai, Wasior subdistrict, Manokwari.

ELSHAM has interviewed a victim and a witness as well as church officials from the subdistrict and also from Nabire regarding the operation. YY (59), an elementary school teacher, told ELSHAM that he and four others were tortured on 17 June by members of Brimob at police headquarters in Wasior. He said that six members of Brimob took turns in maltreating them until they were black and blue. YY also said that Brimob members torched the houses of persons suspected of being involved in the 13 June incident. Kidnaps of civilians continue to occur. On 20 June, Brimob kidnapped Henok Marani (35), Felix Urbon (28), Y. Woisiri (28), Cornelis Tambawa (30) and Orpa Tambawa (26) in the villages of Tandia and Senderawoi, Wasior subdistrict. The witness said that Cornelis Tambawa and Orpa Tambawa have since returned but the three others were declared to be MISSING.

On 26 June, a local resident found a decomposed body in the forest between Senderawoi and Tandia, and identified the body as being that of Felis Urbon. Another witness, NM (40) who returned to Manokwari from Wasior on 8 July told ELSHAM that on 28 June, Brimob forces shot dead a woman named Esther Matiopi (28) and wounded her baby Nona Kabiay (3) in the foot, in the village of Yopanggar, Roon island. Brimob also shot and wounded Endemina Numayomi (20) in the hand, while Cornelis Sumuay (50) , head of the village of Yopanggar was seriously tortured, and was struck on the head with a bayonet.

A local official of the GKI church in Wondama, Wasior reported that Brimob forces torched the houses of inhabitants of the villages of Senderawoi, Isui and Wondoboy, While six families still remain in Wondiboy,all the inhabitants of the other two villages have fled to the forests. It is estimated that about 5,000 civilians have fled their homes in Wasior. Witnesses and church officials have also reported that local residents are daily compelled by Brimob to collect food for them. Social and economic activities (tending their gardens, hunting, fishing, going to school) are completely paralysed and everyone lives in a state of fear.

In Nabire, about thirty members of Brimob were involved in an operation on 9 July during which they torched the home of Yotam Aronggiar (34), and destroyed three outboard motors, three vessels and 38 fishing lines belonging to fishermen in the village of Sanoba, Nabire town, causing losses worth more than Rp 150 million. Yotam Aronggiar is suspected of hiding the perpetrators of the 13 June incident.

Brimob forces are in control of the whole area of Wasior, Ransiki, Fak-Fak (Kaimana) and Nabire. People's freedom of movement is now severely restricted and human rights abuses continued to occur.

ACTION

ELSHAM therefore calls on all human rights organisations, governments, religious bodies, individuals, acadmics, students and the general public who love peace, justice and human right and democracy, especially those in West Papua, to send faxes or cables to the following authorities calling on them:

TO IMMEDIATE HALT THE SWEEPING AND CLAMPDOWN OPERATION, TO WITHDRAW ALL THEIR TROOPS AND OPEN UP THE REGION OF WASIOR TO HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMANITARIAN GROUPS AND TO BRING TO JUSTICE ALL THOSE RESPONSIBLE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS.

Please write to:

National chief of police, fax: 62-21 720-1402
Regional police chief of Papua, Brig General Made Mangku Pastika, Phone/fax: 62-967 533763/531717 District chief of police of Manokwari, Drs Budi Bambang Santoso, Phone/fax: 62-986-211365

Copies please to:
Minister for Justice and Human Rights, Mohamad Mahfud, 62-21 525-3095/522-5036
National Human Rights Commission, Phone/Fax: 62-21 392-5227

Your immediate action will mean a lot to those who need your support.

Thank you.

John Rumbiak in Ireland

Mr John Rumbiak, supervisor of ELS-HAM / IHRSTAD, the Institute for Human Rights Studies and Advocacy, was in Ireland from 9-11 April 2001.

On Tuesday April 10, he met with Irish Government Junior Minister for Foreign Affairs Ms Liz O'Donnell, TD and senior officials at the Department of Foreign Affairs (see photo to left).

Mr Rumbiak was interviewed for national television station TV3's Ireland AM breakfast programme on April 10.

Mr Rumbiak addressed a public meeting in Trinity College Dublin on April 10 which was hosted by West Papua Action and the One World Societies of Trinity College Dublin, University College Dublin and Dublin City University (see text below).

He also met with leading NGOs in Ireland.

On April 11, interviews with Mr Rumbiak together with Dr Peter Carey, fellow and tutor in Modern History, Trinity College Oxford, were broadcast on national radio's Today With Pat Kenny morning radio show.

He visited the Irish parliament on 11 April.

The Irish Times carried a piece, with photo, on Mr Rumbiak's visit on April 12; see at:

http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/world/2001/0412/wor10.htm

THE ON-GOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN WEST PAPUA: IMPUNITY OR ACCOUNTABILITY?

West Papua Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (ELS-HAM) April 11, 2001

(This paper was presented at the briefing on "Human Rights in West Papua: Impunity versus Accountability", hosted by the Society for Threatened Peoples International, on 2 April 2001 in relation to the 57th session of the UN Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland and at the public lecture on Human Rights in West Papua at Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland on April 10, 2001 hosted by West Papua Action and University One World societies).

Underlying causes and a way forward

by John Rumbiak, Supervisor for the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (ELS-HAM) in Jayapura, West Papua.

INTRODUCTION

West Papua, also known as Irian Jaya, has been considered as the 26th province of Indonesia since 1969. The Papuan people themselves never freely agreed to be a part of Indonesia, and they have always fought against this integration. Several resistance movements, including the Papuan Liberation Movement (OPM) which was created in the early 1960's, have expressed the wish of the Papuan people for the respect of their right to self-determination. Throughout the years, violence and repression have been the main features of the Indonesian Government's response to the West Papuan demand for the respect of their basic rights, including their right to self-determination.

Ever since May 1998, when the Suharto regime came to its end and ever since the so-called era of reformasi which replaced that regime, the international community was under the impression that positive changes would occur in relation to the Human Rights situation in the country. However, the Institute for Human Rights Studies and Advocacy (ELS-HAM) did not note such changes for West Papua. On the contrary, the repression and development policies, all planned and executed from Jakarta have only contributed more to the alarming human rights abuses in West Papua. The presence of the security forces (the police and the military) is still excessively dominant in the region, and troops are continuously brought into West Papua, for so-called security and developmental reasons. As a result, the number of human rights violations, including cases of extra-judicial killings, arbitrary detention, torture and death in police custody is increasing.

The Indonesian Government refuses to resolve the core issue in a peaceful manner, despite the demands of numerous Papuan representatives. Instead of paying serious attention to the demands of the Papuan people, they adopt a tactic of enforcing the issue of so-called "wider autonomy", an issue which is rejected by the great majority of the Papuan people. As the idea is rejected by the people, the Indonesian security forces use this situation to commit more human rights violations and to justify these abuses.

This briefing gives a description of the underlying problems regarding the on-going human rights abuses in the region.

"THE ON GOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN WEST PAPUA: underlying causes and a way forward.

Hopefully this presentation and discussion will develop understanding and encourage people to take concrete steps to stop the situation of continuing human rights violations in West Papua, and to bring justice to the people of West Papua.

THE UNDERLYING PROBLEMS REGARDING THE ON-GOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN WEST PAPUA

What are really the fundamental factors that continue to contribute to the on-going human rights abuses in West Papua? Why are they occurring? Is there any solution at all, and if so, where to begin ? These are the questions I want to deal with here.

There are at least five fundamental factors that underlie on-going human rights abuses in West Papua:

- Conflict between the Papuans and the Indonesian authorities (and I mean particularly the security forces) over
- The issue of the right to self-determination;
- The culture of militarism
- Development policies
- The silence of the international community
- The so-called "wider autonomy" offered by Jakarta for West Papua.

1) The conflict between the people of West Papua and the State over the issue of the right to self-determination

For more than 40 years the people of West Papua have been fighting for their right to self-determination, which was violated by the international community, through the 1969 UN supervised referendum, the so-called "Act of Free Choice". Despite the circumstances under which the Act of Free Choice was carried out with only a few West Papuans selected, under threat, to vote for integration with Indonesia, the UN accepted the result, and thus accepted that the ex-colony of the Netherlands as part of the Republic of Indonesia. Thousands fled to Holland, Papua New Guinea and to other South Pacific countries, and the resistance movement in West Papua has continued and increased ever since. The Papuan Liberation Movement (the OPM), established in 1960s, has led the fight until today against the Indonesian occupation of West Papua.

Meanwhile the Indonesian Government continues to claim that West Papua, or Irian Jaya as the Indonesian Government calls it, is an integral part of Indonesia. Any kind of resistance movement from the people is considered as separatist action, and is dealt with by repression. As a result, many thousands of lives have been lost, (Amnesty International's figure is 100,000), many people disappeared, hundreds of women raped, and the conflict that continues to cause bloodshed continues.

ELS-HAM has reported that during the so-called period of reformation in Indonesia between 1998 and 2000 there have been gross and systematic violations of human rights. These include approximately 80 cases of summary executions and 500 cases of arbitrary detentions and torture. There is also a marked increase in incidences of torture and mal-treatment of detainees, which in some cases have resulted in custodial deaths. The Security Forces intimidate and threaten human rights defenders and obstructs them from performing their duties. The freedom of the press has been curtailed, restriction have been placed on local journalists while foreign journalists are denied access to West Papua. ELS-HAM is particularly concerned about the detention of 22 prisoners of conscience being detained at the prison of Jayawijaya in Wamena.

2) The culture of militarism

The culture of militarism in West Papua is another factor. With military operations launched in areas where the resistance movement of the people is believed to be going on, military zones have been created. These areas are closed to outside observers, people's freedom of movement is very much restricted, and the war against the people continues.

Foreigners who visit West Papua have to obtain a permit called Surat Jalan from the police.

With so much power, the military also plays a major role in backing up large-scale multinational economic activities in West Papua such as mining e.g. gold and oil, and logging. The military is instrumental in intimidating people to give up their traditional rights, so that their traditional lands can to be exploited by multinational companies. PT Freeport Indonesia, a subsidiary of the biggest US gold mining company --- Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc, is one example of a multinational corporation that has been implicated in various human rights violations by security forces deployed to protect the company. The company denies any involvement in the violations, but rejects any efforts by independent parties to investigate its involvement in the human rights violations.

3) Development Policies

Development policies such as transmigration, logging, agriculture, mining, tourism, etc including those being backed by world financial institutions such as the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and governments such as the German and Canadian Government which have backed the Transmigration programs -- are performing a new kind of colonialism and imperialism. Under these sorts of so-called development, no compensation has been given to the indigenous peoples, for the taking of their land, the devastation of their environment, the degradation of their culture and their marginalization.

The right to any real development of the West Papuans has been almost totally denied and violated in all of these kinds of development .

4) The Silence of the International Community

Though there have been continuing human rights violations in West Papua because of the under-lying reasons above, the international community has remained silent and allowed this cycle of human rights problems to continue to happen. Issues of "state sovereignty", and economic and political interests have been major blocks to any kind of international interference, despite the rhetoric of the importance of the universality of human rights. With the crisis today across the whole of Indonesia, the developed countries again seem reluctant to condemn Indonesia over the range of human rights violations that its security forces continue to commit against innocent civilians. These countries say that they support President Abdurrahman Wahid who is trying to uphold human rights and democracy in Indonesia, but they do nothing to stop the hardliners, those who resort to the rhetoric of "nationalism" to justify their undermining of human rights and democracy in Indonesia.

5) Wider autonomy for West Papua: A solution or another new source of human rights violations

The Indonesian Government is presently claiming that giving wider autonomy to conflict areas such as Aceh, Riau and West Papua is the solution to resolving the problems in these regions. However, in the case of West Papua, the people have rejected this offer. On 28 March 2001 the Government of Papua Province held a workshop in the capital Jayapura to discuss autonomy, but all the West Papuans in the meeting walked out, demanding their right to self-determination. Outside the meeting, pro-independence supporters clashed with security forces resulting in the death of 1 person, and 13 being detained by the police.

The government has failed to respond wisely to the situation in West Papua, and is failing to understand the fundamental problems of why Papuans are continuing to demand their right to self-determination. Instead the Indonesian Government is trying to come to a hurried solution, in the form of a wider autonomy deal.

The question of the right to self-determination is a psychological need. It is about the self-identity of a people or group that have been denied and oppressed for many years. The Indonesian Government needs to recognise and address this, before anything can go forward.

So, to conclude, these are the recommendations that ELSHAM makes for peaceful progress of the situation , and for which we would like your support:

Urge the Indonesian Government to immediately release all the political prisoners of conscience, especially the 22 prisoners in Wamena, Jayawijaya.

Urge the Indonesian Government to stop using repressive measures against the people of West Papua when they exercise their right to express their desire for self-determination, and withdraw the troops deployed in West Papua, including the 15 000 extra military personnel that have been brought in over the last 6 months.

Urge the Indonesian Government to investigate all human rights abuses committed by the Indonesian Security Forces (the military and the police) in the past and present, and bring the perpetrators to justice. This is the most strategic way to end impunity for human rights abuses, and for the people to see justice enacted.

Support the current investigation being conducted by the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission (KOMNAS HAM) on the Abepura Incident of December 7, 2000, and encourage the Institution to conduct similar investigations into other human rights abuses that have occurred across West Papua. Support the West Papuan NGOs, community groups and church groups that are working to protect and promote human rights in West Papua/Irian Jaya. We believe that it is by investing in the society, especially in human rights education, the culture of respect for human rights can really grow.

Urge the Indonesian Government to commence and substitute for repressive measures, a dialogue process with West Papuan representatives, to peacefully, democratically and justly resolve the West Papuan case. The churches in West Papua, because of the influential role they have in relation to both the people and the Government, should be involved in facilitating such processes.

Support the suspension of the offer of autonomy to West Papua, and urge instead that dialogue to discuss the problems be held, before an attempt to arrive at solutions. _____________________________________________________________

ELS-HAM: LEMBAGA STUDI DAN ADVOKASI HAK ASASI MANUSIA
Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy Jln. Kampus ISTP --
Padang Bulan, Jayapura -- WEST PAPUA
Telp/Facs : 62-967-581600/581520;
E-mail: elsham_irja@jayapura.wasantara.net.id

Robinson meets Papua activist

The Irish Times, World News, Saturday, April 7, 2001

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs Mary Robinson, committed herself yesterday to improving human rights in the separatist Indonesian province of West Papua when she met a prominent Papuan rights activist in Geneva, writes David Shanks.

The activist, Mr John Rumbiak, is to visit Dublin next Tuesday where he will meet the Minister of State, Ms Liz O'Donnell, Trocaire, and address a public meeting.

Mr Rumbiak reported to the commissioner on recent violations by Indonesian forces, in particular of 22 prisoners of conscience, on-going killings "and torture of West Papuans who try to exercise their right to self-determination," according to a statement from West Papua Action in Dublin. Mr Rumbiak's address will be in the Swift Theatre (room 2041a), Arts Block, TCD at 7.30 p.m. next Tuesday.

Testimony of Oswald Iten

Talk by Swiss Journalist, Oswald Iten at a Public Meeting in Dublin on Wednesday, February 21st, 2001 about what he had witnessed during his visit last December to Indonesian-occupied West Papua.

Mr. Oswald Iten, journalist with Swiss daily newspaper Neue Zurcher Zeitung holds up the front page of the Cenderawashi Pos which has a photograph of two corpses, one of which he recognised as that of Ori Ndoronggi (or Doronggi) (17) who died in front of him after having being tortured by Indonesian police. (Photo: Paul Iwala)

"I work as a journalist for a major Swiss newspaper and for that I went to Papua New Guinea in 1993 in order to know more about what's going on inside West Papua. It never was easy to go there as a journalist. I knew that so I went first from PNG and I walked to meet the OPM guerrillas who are fighting Indonesian occupation since the 1960s. After three weeks of walking I met one of the commanders of a local group of OPM fighters, and I was shocked to see how they were living in the forest, isolated so that they would not be in contact with the Indonesian military.

"For them one act, almost a religious act, was to raise the Morning Star Flag. I couldn't understand this coming as I do from central Europe. Everybody saluted. This was very important for them. For them it is a reminder of when they first declared independence in 1961 during the Dutch colonial times. When the Dutch always promised to the Papuans that they would be independent; that after all was the reason why the Dutch were still there after they left the rest of their East Indies Colonies. They knew it was impossible to unite this place with their other former colonies; they knew these people were different from those places.

"So this flag was a real symbol. And many people got killed because they were caught hiding this flag in their houses or for daring to raise it in public. Later I decided I wanted to see how life was in West Papua.

"Later that same year, I went as a tourist to see and talk with people who have a different life to the rest of Indonesia who wants to swallow them by bringing people from Java and Sumatra so that they could outnumber them finally.

"I find that the term Stone Age to describe Papuans is inaccurate because most Papuans have contact with western civilisation, as it is called, and with Indonesians. And they have decided they want to stick to their own culture. So why should we label them with an inferior expression like Stone Age. These people live in the world today and they have a right to live in their own way.

"Of course at that time in Jayapura, I could not contact people and talk to them because it would have endangered them. It was very difficult for me to gather information.

"Last September I went to Holland and met Papuans there and they told me that the situation was better. The flag is everywhere. I couldn't believe it: I had imagined that such a situation would take fifty years. So I decided I wanted to go back and see what difference [there was] from seven years ago.

"Of course I heard about December 1st and I decided that's the time to start my trip. I wanted to go from Jayapura into the mountains and valleys to visit some of the places I had seen before. On November 28th I came to Jayapura. At that time I thought it was okay because there were so many journalists and camera crews and photographers. But immediately I was followed-we all were-by plain-clothes policemen, the guys with big sunglasses. I already knew them and I said hello to them when they were waiting for me in the morning when I left my hotel and again in the evening. I saw them so many times I even offered them a beer.

"The demonstration on December 1st was surprisingly calm. Everybody expected a massacre. I remember in the morning hundreds of policemen and watercannons and we journalists wondered where should we stand in cased shooting started. But nothing happened. It was quiet. Only later we learned that the police killed 10 people in the countryside.

"However, it felt like a 'high noon' situation because the security forces made it clear that they would not tolerate the Morning Star flag after December 1st. So the flag had to be lowered that day. And after: the old regime would be back. That means shooting, killing and imprisonment.

"The next day four plain-clothes policemen waited for me in the hotel and said I would have to go with them. I went to the station and they questioned me for nine hours. They not only wanted to know what I was doing but who I had talked to and what they said so as to get evidence against them. Some of those I talked to from the Presidium were already in jail. It all seemed so stupid. And around midnight I thought I could go back to the hotel, but they said: 'No, no. You are under arrest. This is the jail.'

"I was completely surprised. But I still had my mobile phone so I could call my wife in Switzerland and our correspondent in Singapore and told them I had been arrested. They opened the cell and put me in there. The conditions were terrible; it smelled of urine and there were mosquitoes. There were Papuans lying on the ground like sardines. The door closed behind me, and the Papuans were surprised to see me.

"They told me I was arrested for not having a proper media visa and then the Indonesians put me in a place where no other journalists had ever been. So I had quite a scoop from a journalistic point of view.

"That same night one drunk Papuan entered into the cell and the policemen were punching and kicking him in the face. I got up from the floor; I couldn't bear to see him. I went to the guard, put my hand on his shoulder and said, "that's enough", because he was lying on the ground. The guard put up his hand and said to the Papuan, "kiss it." The prisoner had to kiss it. When he kissed it, the policeman smashed him in the face again and knocked a tooth out. After this he said, 'kiss it again'. He had to kiss it again. Then he took the guy out and finished him outside. That sort of thing repeated the following nights.

"On December 7th, I woke up at about 4.30 am and heard some noise in the guardroom which was at the entrance of the jail. I thought maybe the police were doing morning exercise. There was no daylight in the cell, although there was a neon light so there was no difference between day and night.

"Then I thought it could not be exercises because it sounded like someone being hit. I went to the cell door and looked through the bars. I was shocked by what I saw. There were about half a dozen policemen and they all had sticks, whips and bamboo canes and they were beating on people lying on the ground. I couldn't see how many people there were lying on the ground. I just stared at this scene in disbelief. At first I thought I was dreaming but one policeman saw me and smashed his stick against the bars. I said to him, "if you do that don't be surprised if I watch." I then said: "If you want me to stop watching, you stop beating them." But when he seemed to go to open to door I stepped back.

"From where I was sitting in the cell I could see for over an hour how this continued. Sometimes I saw policemen stepping on the benches of the guardroom and jumping on people lying on the ground.

"The bodies were red with blood that splashed up to the ceiling. About 5.30am I heard the sound of a water hose. It sounded like a new group of people being brought in. At about 10 am, the cell doors opened and over 40 prisoners were led in. They all had their hair sprayed with paint. It was a new batch of prisoners marked as one group. After they were in, the door opened again and terribly mutilated prisoners were literally thrown into the cell. They were rolling and falling right next to me. I was sitting about seven metres from the door.

"One after the other, I could count how many. One more was then led in. His eyes were so swollen he couldn't see. I don't know if he was blind. One frightened prisoner said to me, "eyes cracked."

"The last prisoner they led in was a huge man and he just fell over everybody. He lay on the ground moaning and groaning. He tried to lift himself up but he fell down. The guards came now and then and looked through the bars at this scene of beaten and mutilated people. They didn't react or seem upset. To us in the cell it was clear that this last man was going to die. I think I saw a hole in the back of his head and think I could see part of his brain. He pulled himself up and put his head against the wall. He was struggling for breath. Then he fell over on the floor, and stopped breathing. He was dead.

"It took about one and half more hours for the police to come and drag the body out. And some of the other people were in such a bad condition I would have been quite sure that others would die. Another man had a hole in his skull right here [indicating the centre of his forehead.]. And I could see the bones of his skull.

"Then the guards came and took me out and said: 'Stay out here. It smells terrible in there.' They didn't even think that it was terrible for me to see what they did. For them it was terrible for me to be with those stinking Papuans. So they said I could sit outside. The number of prisoners had tripled and the cell was absolutely crowded. They put me in the guardroom. It was stained with blood and later on the Swiss diplomat who had come to see me saw all this blood which wasn't there the day before. He almost vomited.

"We realised that I was a witness and he said, I was now in danger because I had seen something that I should never have seen. The diplomat told me I should not be left alone and that he would get me food. Each evening he came and brought food - because he was afraid that the Indonesian police could put poison in it. That is a usual tactic they use in prisons. They put poison in it, then you die. And there is no proof they did anything to you.

"But then I found that the guards were very kind to me. But the chief of police, who came the next day, was very angry and confiscated my mosquito net and I asked him, 'do you want me to catch malaria', He said: 'You are like any other prisoner. If there is malaria inside the cell then why shouldn't you catch it too?' But even so the guards were quite nice and they even tried to befriend me, which I found very strange because I didn't want to have anything to do with these killers.

"It was very amazing and I came to the conclusion after a few days that I was not in danger. Because the police considered this to be very normal. One policeman who had some English said to me: 'You must understand, a police post was attacked and police were killed. So this is normal. If they kill police, we kill them.'

"Later in a [Indonesian] newspaper, the man who was murdered by the police was shown in a photo on the front page but the police claimed he was killed in 'action'
I learned his name from the paper. It was Ori Ndoronggi, a student from Wamena in the highlands. His bad luck is that he was sleeping in a dormitory next to the police post. Along with 35 other friends he was arrested and tortured. Later he was killed as were two others.

"On December 11th at 2.45 am, after the police chief had put me in a single cell, I woke up again as three prisoners were brought in. After the door closed police started to beat them up. One fell right in front of my cell. The police continued kicking them. One policeman kicked him in the back of the head and his head banged into the door of my cell and the blood splashed onto me. When he tried to lift his head, the other policeman kicked him in the face and he was unconscious. A third policeman with a rifle came and hit him five times in the head with his rifle butt. I thought this man is now dead. But next morning he was still alive but in a terrible state and they gave him no medical treatment. These policemen were out to kill these prisoners. And the incredible thing was they didn't care if I saw this.

"I was reminded of East Timor. This sort of thing happened there... the army and police aiding the militias and then standing by and claiming that they had nothing to do with the violence. It was just incredible.

"And finally after 12 days in prison, I was put on a plane to Jakarta with policemen and then deported me. It is incredible. I was very lucky that I got away. I still think about the people who were imprisoned with me. They are still in prison. I don't know what has happened to them. But they don't have a bright future."

Visit of Oswald Iten and Viktor Kaisiepo to Ireland

Mr. Oswald Iten, editorial staff-member with Zurich daily Neue Zurcher Zeitung, and Mr. Viktor Kaisiepo, Papua Presidium member for Europe, visited Ireland from Tuesday 20 February to Thursday 22 February 2001.

On the morning of Wednesday, 21 February both Mr. Iten and Mr. Kaisiepo met with Mr. Jim O'Keefe, TD, Fine Gael Spokesperson on Foreign Affairs in the Dail (Irish parliament). Fine Gael are the largest opposition party in parliament.

They both addressed the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs which convened at 4.00pm on Wednesday, 21 February.

Mr. Viktor Kaisiepo, Papua Presidium member for Europe, pictured speaking at a public meeting in Dublin. (Photo: Paul Iwala)

 

 

 

 

At 8.00pm they spoke at a public meeting in Buswells Hotel, Dublin.

Mr. Iten was interviewed for Five Seven Live on RTE 1 national radio, which was broadcast on Wednesday, 21 February.

The visit was covered by The Irish Times on Thursday, February 22; see at: http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/world/2001/0222/wor9.htm

The visit was also covered on national Irish-language news between 1.00pm and 2.00pm on Friday, 23 February, and in LA, the Irish-language weekly, on 22/02.

Read Oswald Iten's Report

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Indonesia bans observers - but Downer expects fair trials for rebels

Sydney Morning Herald February 16, 2001
By Geesche Jacobsen

Two Australian lawyers have been refused entry to Irian Jaya to observe the trials of independence activists, raising fears the suspects will not have a fair trial.
The head of the Australian section of the International Commission of Jurists, Justice John Dowd, called on the Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, to pressure the Indonesian Government to allow observers to attend the trials.
"We have a special relationship with Indonesia, the Government keeps telling us. We just want to see how special that relationship is," Justice Dowd said.
Two members of the commission were ready to leave Australia today to attend the trials on subversion charges of seven members of the Free Papua Movement and the West Melanesian Council who were arrested for their participation in independence celebrations in December.
The Indonesian Foreign Ministry refused permission to observe the trials on the basis that they were being conducted in accordance with Indonesian law and were internal matters, Justice Dowd said. The media's access to the trials was also restricted, he said.
"Governments that have nothing to hide have no objection to either the press or observers."
A spokesman for Mr Downer said the Government would urge the Indonesian Government to ensure the legal and human rights of all defendants everywhere in Indonesia. The Government was seeking further information about the possibility of allowing foreign observers to attend the trials, he said.
Justice Elizabeth Evatt, one of the observers denied access, said the decision showed a tightening of Jakarta's control. She had wanted to observe how the trial was conducted, how the accused were being treated and what relationship they were able to have with their lawyers.
"If observers are being refused, the chances [of a fair trial] are reduced as there is no restraint on the people who have the custody of the accused and no-one to report independently what's going on."
But Mr Downer's spokesman said the Government expected a fair trial "with or without observers".
Justice Dowd said there had been reports of prisoners being assaulted and tortured in custody.
The Indonesian Government's reach also increasingly extended across the border to Papua New Guinea, he said.
"There's clearly a crackdown on human rights activists both within West Papua and, we are disturbed to find, also in Papua New Guinea."

Brimob beat up Papuan prisoners in Wamena

10 February 2001 (Source: TAPOL)

Members of Brimob, the special forces of the Indonesian police, have recently been allowed into the cells of West Papuan political prisoners where they subjected these defenceless men to brutalities.
In a statement issued on 9 February by ELS-HAM, the Jayapura-based Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy, an account is given of the injuries inflicted on some of the men currently being held at the Jayawijaya Prison in Wamena. Altogether 22 prisoners are being held at the jail while undergoing trials on charges connected with the Wamena incident on 6-7 October 2000.
In mid-January, ELS-HAM warned that Brimob and police officers were intimidating the prisoners, but it now says that the behaviour of these officers has gone beyond intimidation to physically assaulting the men inside the prison. The Institute also says that the same forces have imposed tight security round the courtroom where the trials are taking place, violating the principle of holding open trials in order to allow the general public to watch the proceedings. The 22 men now in custody consist of two groups. Seventeen were arrested during the Wamena events on 6 and 7 October, while the other five are local representatives of the Papuan Presidium Council who were arrested in December and now stand accused of having instigated the events in Wamena.

Torture of prisoners
ELS-HAM’s contact in Wamena has reported that on 4 February, Brimob troops inflicted serious bodily harm on seven of the prisoners.
1. Herry Kosay, 28, a driver, was kicked in the face with jackboots, causing gashes in his cheeks. Both his knees were struck with iron objects, then threatened by men who were holding their rifles at the ready, and warned that he would be forced to lick up his blood that had dripped onto the floor.
2. Murjono Murip, 36, a school-teacher and member of the Papua Presidium Council, was struck in the lower back with a rifle butt and told to confess that he had instigated the bloody Wouma-Wamena incident on 7 October. When he refused to do so, he was warned that if he denied these charges in court, they would pull his nails out and cut off his nose.
3. Jackson Itlay, 23, a becak driver, was struck in the back with an iron object, causing bruises and swellings.
4. Hendrik Siep, 42, a farmer, and Frans Huby, 39, also a farmer, suffered the same brutalities as Jackson Itlay.
5. Elius Wenda, 23, a farmer, was struck on the head and sustained serious bruises and swellings.
6. Atinus Wenda, 35, also a farmer, was kicked in the knees with a jackboot, inflicting serious injuries.

Security round the courthouse
Lawyers acting for the men who are currently on trial have complained that although the trials should be open to the public to enable proper control over the proceedings, tight security has been imposed by Brimob and the army. This has had the effect of intimidating the men on trial, as well as intimidating members of the public and making them too afraid to attend the hearings. At each hearing, troops armed with firearms and truncheons have arrived in army trucks and taken up positions outside the courtroom. Some of the troops have even entered the courthouse, bearing their weapons. Formal complaints by the men’s lawyers have been ignored by the judges.
Such actions are in serious breach of article 26 of the Criminal Procedural Code which guarantees protection for defendants.
Brimob, the judges, the prosecutors and the director of the prison must be held responsible for these unlawful acts perpetrated against people who are being tried in court, says ELS-HAM.

Kopassus retaliate for the killing of four Kopassus soldiers

Feb 8, 2001 (Source: TAPOL)

Hundreds of reinforcements, including two hundred Kopassus (army special command) troops have been sent to an area west of Jayapura in an operation to hunt down the commander of the TPN (National Liberation Army) unit that killed four Kopassus soldiers on 3 February. The troops are spread out through Sarmi, Tor Atas, Betaf and Bonggo, sub-districts in the district of Jayapura 90 - 135 kms west of Jayapura.
The additional troops have been dispatched to the area by the Trikora military command and include Kostrad, Brimob, territorial troops as well as marines operating offshore.
According to a report issued on 8 February by ELS-HAM, the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy, the arrival of these troops has caused consternation among the local population many of whom have fled their villages to find sanctuary in nearby towns or farther afield in Jayapura, security conditions throughout the area have been tightened on land and also off shore. New army posts have been set up and restrictions have been placed on freedom of movement.
According to a report leaked to an ELS-HAM source in the area, the troops plan to attack and torch three villages in Tor Atas which are suspected of being strongholds of the TPN.
Local people are fleeing out of fear that the troop reinforcements will not differentiate between TPN members and ordinary civilians. People still remember the military operations in the same region that resulted in hundreds of deaths in the area several years.
Since December last year, there have been a number of actions by TPN units. In one of these actions, a unit led by Max Rumbiak succeeded in seizing two weapons from the police. Local Kopassus forces managed to persuade the TPN unit to hand back the weapons and took the TPN members to Jayapura for the handing over ceremony. This made local police suspicious of the Kopassus, whom they accused of collaborating with the TPN unit. Moreover, another TPN unit planned an attack on a local Brimob post. This plan was foiled and three members of the unit were taken into police custody. As a result the TPN members came down from the hills and occupied Betaf town demanding the release of their three comrades, threatening to attack the police of this demand was not met.
The clash between the TPN members and the security forces led to the killing on 3 February of the four Kopassus soldiers; during the attack, one TPN member was also killed.
ELS-HAM sources in the area report that there have been a number of operations by security forces throughout the region, particularly involving Brimob forces. Activists have been taken into custody. In Merauke, a number of people employed by a local plywood company were kidnapped by a TPN unit which is known to be very close to Kopassus. Two days after the killing of the Kopassus soldiers, there was an attack in Nabire during which a member of Brimob was killed by unidentified assailants.
The situation today is reminiscent of the situation in Papua in the mid and late 1960s when the status of the territory was in dispute. Terror and intimidation were widespread and grew to a climax in late 1969 when the so-called Act of Free Choice took place in August of that year.

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Notorious Timor veteran takes command in West Papua

Background note from TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign

February 6, 2001

At the end of January, the TNI central command announced the appointment of Major-General Mahidin Simbolon as the commander of the Trikora military command in Jayapura.

His appointment followed the death in an air crash of the previous commander. Simbolon, a member of Kopassus, the army’s elite commandos, has had no fewer than six tours of duty in East Timor, starting with Operasi Seroja, the invasion of the territory in December 1975.

Like all Kopassus officers serving in East Timor, Simbolon played an active role in SGI, the special Kopassus unit designed for counter-insurgency, whose local command posts were used to torture captured East Timorese. He graduated from the military academy in 1974. He and many of his class-mates have distinguished themselves as ‘East Timor veterans’ whose military careers have been greatly enhance by their many operational tours of duty in East Timor. He led the unit which arrested resistance leader, Xanana Gusmao, in 1992, for which he was given a special promotion from major to colonel. The climax of his East Timor experience came in 1995 when he served for two years as commander of the Wira Dharma Korem in charge of East Timor. Then, until 1999, he was chief of staff at the Udayana military command based in Bali, the command in overall control of East Timor. The Udayana commander at that time was the notorious Major-General Adam Damiri. It was during the commandership of these two generals in Bali that Operasi Sapu Jagad, was launched, an operation whose main purpose was to create, recruit and finance the many militia units that spearheaded the army’s campaign of violence before, during and after the UN-supervised ballot. This operation was responsible for the widespread destruction and killings that climaxed in September 1999, after the ballot result was announced on 4 September. One of the militia units, Mahidi, an acronym meaning ‘dead or alive with integration’, was actually named after him.

His appointment to take command in West Papua can be expected to result in an intensification of the use of intelligence operations which he practised during his many years of service in East Timor. Militia gangs,Satgas Merah-Putih (red-and-white militias) are already known to be active in the territory. The new commander is likely to further refine this strategy. The killing by an OPM unit earlier this week of four Kopassus officers is bound to spur this hawk commander into pursuing a new strategy aimed at destroying the OPM. As we know from the military operations currently underway in Aceh, such operations also have a serious impact on civilians not involved in the armed struggle.

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Amnesty International's latest report on Indonesia and West Papua, released on January 31st, 2001, can be read on West Papua News

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"Swiss Journalist witnesses torture in West Papua jail"



22 December 2000

Prison, Torture and Murder in Jayapura, West Papua
Twelve Days in an Indonesian Jail
Oswald Iten

A member of the NZZ editorial staff, Oswald Iten, was held in the municipal jail of Jayapura, Irian Jaya (West Papua), from 2 to 13 December. The charge: illegal journalistic activity. Most of his fellow inmates were Papuans fighting for West Papua's independence from Indonesia. Iten witnessed the incredible brutality that marked the prisoners' everyday life.

When the door to the cell slammed shut behind me, the first thing I noticed was the stench of urine and other human excreta. Then I saw, through the dim, humidly hot air, bodies lying on the filthy concrete floor, packed one next to the other like sardines. It was one o'clock in the morning. Someone in the lineup of bodies handed me a cardboard box, so that I'd at least have something clean to lay my head on.

The police had taken me into custody the previous day and grilled me for nine hours, because on 1 December I had taken "political photos" ostensibly not permitted by my tourist visa. That was the day on which Papuans fighting for independence from Indonesia commemorated the day in 1961, while the Dutch were still the colonial masters, when a declaration of West Papuan independence was made which was acknowledged by no one else in the world.

Since then, the flag with the morning star had been their symbol of freedom, and anyone raising that banner had had to reckon with the danger of being shot by occupying Indonesian troops. President Wahid, who took office last year, has issued a directive permitting limited use of the flag, but the Indonesian security forces, who have been operating with increasing autonomy, had declared that this year's 1 December would be the last day on which the morning star banner would be permitted to flutter unhindered beneath Papua's skies.

Poorly Organized Rebels

So there I was, in a cell with about 40 other prisoners. Among them were 26 members of the "Satgas Papua," a militia of the independence movement which had established posts throughout Irian Jaya and was responsible for guarding the freedom flag. Despite the ultimatum issued by the police, the militia's top leaders had let themselves be taken by surprise and rounded up like snails - which says a great deal about the Papuan rebels' level of organization. Among the prisoners was militia chief Boy Eluay, son of Theys Eluay, the head of the Papuan presidium (a body of selected leaders advocating independence), and Alex Baransano, city commander of the Satgas in Port Numbay, as the West Papuans now call Jayapura. Mixed in with the dark-skinned Melanesian prisoners were a few Javanese who had come to Irian Jaya under Indonesia's hated "transmigration" (that is, settlement) program and were now accused of some violent crime or other.

The members of the Satgas Papua were physically unharmed. That could not be said of all the prisoners. During my first night in the cell, a drunk was hauled in, and the guards punched and kicked him in the face. Almost every night some drunk was brought in to sober up and, this being the month of Ramadan, was treated to special physical abuse designed to leave him with a lasting souvenir in the form of a missing tooth or a broken nose. At first I tried to get the guards to ease up, but they grew angry and completed their violent work in the guardroom near the entrance to the cells. Dizzy from both alcohol and the beating, the victims were then thrown into our cell and released the following morning.

At 4:30 A.M. on Thursday, 7 December, noise from the guardroom penetrated the stuffing I'd put in my ears to help me sleep. At first I thought the guards were doing some rhythmic gymnastics, but it also sounded like blows landing on a body. My fellow prisoners were wide awake, and they tried to hold me back when I went to the entranceway of our cell block. The upper part of the door was merely barred, so I had a view of the guardroom. And what I saw there was unspeakably shocking. About half a dozen policemen were swinging their clubs at bodies that were lying on the floor and, oddly enough, did not cry out; at most, only soft groans issued from them. After a few long seconds, a guard saw me looking and struck his club against the bars of the cell block door. I quickly went back to my usual spot, from where I could still see the clubs, staffs and split bamboo whips at their work. Their ends were smeared with blood, and blood sprayed the walls all the way up to the ceiling. Sometimes I saw the policemen hopping up on benches, continuing to strike blows from there or jumping back down onto the bodies below (which I could not see from my cell).

Thousands of Blows

Thousands of blows must have descended on what was to me an unknown number of people. I thought: That's what it means to "thrash" somebody.

By about 5:15 A.M. things quieted down and I heard the sound of water from a hose. But then the orgy of torture resumed, apparently with a new load of prisoners. My fellow inmates told me that a police post had been attacked during the night. At one point, a guard came into our cell and indicated to me that what was going on outside was to be understood as the normal retribution for the death of policemen. The attack had taken place at 1:30 A.M. in the suburb of Abepura, and two policemen and a private guard had been killed in the course of it.

At 7:30 A.M. the torturers went outside for morning muster, things quieted down and I looked over into the guardroom: the floor was covered with blood, as in a slaughterhouse. Some of my fellow prisoners were ordered out to clean the place up. Shortly before 10 o'clock, noise broke out again. The cell block door was opened, and with the ends of their staffs the guards drove about three dozen new prisoners in, whose hair had been marked with white from a spray can, like sheep earmarked for shearing. The newcomers were jammed into a single cell. Then the cell block door was opened again and one body after another was tossed into our already crowded cell, some of them more dead than alive.

Disfigured Faces, Damaged Bodies

Most of them remained motionless where they fell, either unconscious or utterly exhausted. They must have been the men who had been tortured earlier that morning. A mask maker would find it difficult to conjure out of his imagination such horrifically distorted faces and damaged twisted bodies. One of the tortured men was virtually blind and had to be led in by the hand by another prisoner; I couldn't tell whether his eyes had been totally destroyed or were merely swollen shut. The last one to enter was a large man, who fell over the bodies on the floor and lay there groaning horribly.

He tried repeatedly to straighten himself up, only to fall back down again. Now and again the faces of guards appeared at the barred window, looking down impassively at the tangle of maltreated bodies. In the back of the big man's head, there appeared to be a coin-sized hole through which I believed to spot some brain tissue. After nearly an hour and a half of groaning and spasmodic movement, his suffering visibly neared its end. About two meters from me, his powerful body raised itself again and his head struck the wall.

A final labored breath issued from him, then his head dropped down onto the cement floor. At last his agony was over. After a while, three lackeys came and dragged the body out.

Later I learned that the man who had been tortured to death was named Ori Dronggi. I saw a picture of his corpse in the newspaper Cenderawasih Pos. The dispatch said that three dead Papuans had been brought to the morgue, and the police stated they had "died in the fighting." I don't know how the other two men died; one of them may have been the second man I had seen with a hole in his head, who had wiped his blood away with the same rag my cellmates generally used in their attempts to keep the toilet clean. I had no longer seen him among the prisoners the following day. (All the men who had been arrested after the attack on the police outpost were released after 36 hours.)

Ori Dronggi was one of 18 men from the highland town of Wamena, all of whom had been arrested in a dormitory near the university in Abepura immediately following the attack on the police post. The chances are he had had nothing to do with the attack; the same was true of the 35 other men who had been tortured (I had counted them the following day). A rumor went around that the police post had been attacked because one of the men on duty there was the one who had torn the morning star flag down on 6 October. About half a dozen Papuans had been killed back then, and in the days after it - and several times that many Indonesians, who fell victim to the Papuans' blind vengeance. As a result of that chain of events, thousands of Indonesian settlers had fled from Wamena and the Baliem Valley. The "negative" balance of casualties was seen as a disgrace for the police; their rage at the people of Wamena had already become legendary, so it was no surprise when, following the attack at Abepura, they chose to take prisoners from that group of people.

A Witness in Danger?

In the night following the orgy of torture, the guards felt that I should no longer sleep in the cell with the other prisoners, whose number had by now swelled to 124 and many of whom were covered with suppurating wounds. The policemen wrinkled their noses, indicating to me that the Papuans smelled bad. I was told I could sleep in the guardroom - but the countless bloodstains there, even on the bench on which I lay, were a constant reminder of what had happened the previous night. The next morning, Police Chief Daud Sihombing, who also served as superintendant of the prison, noticed that I had not slept in the cell. Furious, he ordered the guards to bring me back there. He also confiscated the mosquito net one guard had brought me. I asked Sihombing if he wanted me to contract malaria. In a voice brooking no contradiction, he replied: "You're no different from the other prisoners. If they get malaria, so will you." From that time on, I feared that I had seen too much and was in danger as an incriminating witness.

Not a hair on my head was touched. In fact, the otherwise sadistic guards went out of their way to be nice to me. But the mistreatment of other prisoners continued. On 11 December I again witnessed a horrible scene.

About 2:45 A.M., three new prisoners were brought in. Two of them were badly beaten outside my field of vision. The third Papuan fell right in front of the one-man cell to which Chief Sihombing had exiled me. A booted guard kicked the man in the head; the prisoner's head banged loudly against my cell door, blood spurting from it onto my leg. The guard was apparently fascinated by the head going back and forth between his boot and the bars of my cell door, like some outsized ping-pong ball, so he kicked it a few more times. A second guard joined in with a swift kick to the middle of the prisoner's face, knocking him unconscious. But that still wasn't enough. A third guard, who had been watching the scene with rifle in hand, now struck the butt of his weapon about five times into the senseless man's skull, which made a horrible sound. I could hardly believe it, but the victim was still alive the next day. He was taken away for interrogation.

"Zero Tolerance"

It was all part of the day's work in an Indonesian prison on Irian Jaya. Superintendant Sihombing was obviously not at all disturbed that I, a foreign journalist, should have witnessed such scenes after being arrested for taking some harmless "political photographs." According to his logic, my identity was as irrelevant as had been the barbaric and transparent behavior of the Indonesian police and military after the referendum on East Timor. In fact, by imprisoning me Sihombing was demonstrating that the policy of zero tolerance toward the independence movement, which had gone into effect on 1 December, also applied to foreigners.

Visitors with a temporary journalist's visa are not granted the official Indonesian permit necessary for travel to the interior of Irian Jaya. My case could serve as a warning to other journalists not to travel to West Papua masquerading as tourists. In his autocratic and self-righteous manner, Sihombing gave the press almost daily briefings on my "important case." His goal was to underscore his demonstration of power by bringing charges which could get me a prison sentence of as much as five years. I felt like Sihombing's hostage, my ransom value going up with each passing day. But after 12 days, the man's calculations were upset when Jakarta issued an order for my deportation. To save face, he presented my release to the press as his own act of clemency in honor of the forthcoming holiday of Christmas.

The fact that I was not harmed in the prison at Jayapura was due, among other things, to the swift arrival of Norbert Bärlocher, the deputy mission chief of the Swiss embassy in Jakarta. He traveled 3,800 kilometers to the capital of Irian Jaya in order to extend his protection to me until my deportation on 16 December.

But several dozen less privileged prisoners remained back in the cell, with the Satgas militiamen still among them. Their life in prison will doubtless continue to be as I experienced it, marked by violence. Mornings and evenings they hold a one-hour prayer service, conducted by three catechists who managed to keep their Bibles with them. At the end of each service, they all shake hands. The prisoners receive two adequate meals a day from the police, for which they express their thanks by saying grace. And they are allowed a one-hour family visit every afternoon. Each morning, while the police hold their muster, a loudspeaker broadcasts the Indonesian national anthem through the prison bars. At that point, the Papuans in their cells join in singing their independence anthem. Indonesia can never win the hearts of the Papuans with clubs and rifle barrels; it will simply remain the hated occupying power.

In one of his last articles before his arrest, "High Noon in West Papua", the author sums up the present political situation in Irian Jaya.

22 December 2000 / Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 22 December 2000
>From Neue Zurcher Zeitung, Zurich website.

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December 2000: at least 10 people killed by Indonesian security forces following a massive build up of troops and military machinery and arrest of Presidium leaders

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New Zealand government offers to broker talks between Papuan Presidium and Jakarta

AsiaTimes.com
November 25, 2000
Oceania
New Zealand boost for West Papuan independence
By Bob Burton

CANBERRA - Ahead of what promises to be a tense week leading up to
the anniversary of a declaration of independence by West Papuan
campaigners, the New Zealand government says it is willing to
broker a dialogue between Indonesia and indigenous leaders.

After meeting with the international relations moderator of the
Papua Council Franzalbert Joku, New Zealand Foreign Minister Phil
Goff told the New Zealand Press Association: ''We have grave
concerns of the likelihood of violence there which could turn into
a bloody conflict.'' New Zealand, he said, was keen ''to encourage
peaceful dialogue with a view to exploring the parameters of
autonomy, which might give people in West Papua a high level of
control over their own lives''.

The former Dutch colony of West Papua lies at the eastern end of
the Indonesian archipelago, right next to Papua New Guinea. On
December 1 it will mark the anniversary of the unilateral
declaration of independence that indigenous leaders made against
the Dutch in 1961, at a time when calls for independence from
Indonesia, brewing for many years, are rising.

Chris Ballard, a fellow at the Research School of Pacific and Asian
Studies at the Australian National University, sees the meeting
with Goff as a milestone in the independence campaign by West
Papua. ''This is really quite a spectacular breakthrough and is
significant in creating the climate of opinion that will put
pressure on the Indonesians,'' he said.

For Joku, a former newspaper editor in Papua New Guinea, the
tentative support from Goff adds to a string of recent diplomatic
breakthroughs for the fledgling independence movement that wants to
break away from Indonesia. Earlier this year, for the first time in
20 years, West Papuan leaders were accepted as observers at the
United Nations. Last month, the Pacific Islands Forum mentioned the
conflict in West Papua in its final communique.

While the international profile of the West Papuan independence
movement is growing, the situation in the troubled province has
steadily been deteriorating. Last year Indonesian President
Abdurrahman Wahid declared legal the flying of the "Morning Star"
independence flag - an act that had been ruthlessly repressed by
military authorities for decades. In a province with a police force
of 6,000 backed by an estimated 4,000 troops with a reputation for
human rights abuses, flying the flag has become a flash point
between hardliners in the military and independence supporters.

Earlier this week, Indonesian Security Minister Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono warned that he was prepared to take "tough action" to
prevent protests next week on the 39th anniversary of the 1961
declaration of independence by West Papuan leaders. Anniversary
celebrations, Yudhoyono ominously warned, would be treated as ''an
act of treason''.

It is a warning that human rights observers and independence
activists take seriously. Last month, troops shot and killed a
number of independence supporters for attempting to fly the flag.
In the aftermath of the killings, independence supporters turned on
20 Indonesian migrants, reflecting the social tensions brewing in
the province. Indonesian migrants now account for nearly half the
province's population.

The former Dutch colony, populated by people of Melanesian descent,
is growing increasingly resentful and defiant toward the Indonesian
military and government.

On December 1, 1961, indigenous leaders unilaterally declared
independence from the Dutch. Two years later, the Dutch colony was
transferred to Indonesia with the condition that an "act of free
choice" be permitted to ascertain the views of the people.
Australia, the United Nations, the United States and Indonesia
deemed a vote of 1,025 handpicked delegates six year later, who
voted for incorporation into Indonesia, to constitute an ''act of
free choice''. But even the UN representative to West Papua noted
in a report at the time that the ''act of free choice was obviously
stage-managed from start to finish [as Indonesia] exercised at all
times a tight control over the population''.

Sam Blay, law professor at the University of Technology of Sydney,
argues that the Act of Free Choice was illegal. ''It is beyond
doubt that the people of West Papua were denied their right to
self-determination,'' he said.

But while South Pacific nations and New Zealand are concerned about
the deteriorating human rights climate in West Papua, Australian
Prime Minister John Howard refused to meet with Joku at the recent
Pacific Islands Forum for fear of irritating the Indonesian
government. ''I won't be talking to them because it's not
appropriate and it would be contrary to the stance that Australia
takes in relation to the sovereignty of Indonesia,'' Howard said.

West Papuans are, however, gaining some support from among
Australian parliamentarians. Earlier this month 10 members of
parliament, spanning all political parties, formed a group called
''Parliamentarians for West Papua''. In a speech in the Senate,
Australian Greens Senator Bob Brown, the group's founder, warned
the Australian government that it should learn from its experience
with East Timor. ''We should not repeat the mistake of East Timor,
where we acceded to the Jakarta military authorities the right to
run roughshod over the democratic and political rights of a
people,'' Brown said.

Whether the December 1 independence celebrations turn violent
hinges on the actions of the military, says Ballard. ''What the
military are trying to do is to create trouble and unrest to
embarrass Wahid. The anniversary will only be as violent as the
military want it to be. I expect there will be some violence and I
would be looking for the hand of the military,'' he said.
-- (Inter Press Service)

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October 2000: Police open fire on Papuans raising flag in Wamena, dozens die in subsequent riots

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Article by John Saltford is available online

September 2000



The highly recommended article by John Saltford published in Cornell University's journal, Indonesia No 69, April 2000, is now online and can be found on http://www.fpcn-global.org/united-nations/index.html

The article is entitled:
United Nations Involvement with the Act of Self-Determination in West Irian (Indonesian West New Guinea) 1968 to 1969.



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Detikworld, September 20, 2000

3 Countries Support W. Papua's Independence
Reporters: Hestiana Dharmastuti; Swastika


Jakarta - The Chairman of Papua Presidium Council, Theys Hiyo Eulay, stated that 3 countries are supporting the independence of Papua. Located in the Pacific islands, those countries are the Republic of Nauru, Vanuatu, and Tuvalu.

Theys Eulay addressed reporters in a press conference at Wisata Hotel in Central Jakarta today, Wednesday 20/9/2000. According to Theys, those 3 countries want Papua to be given the opportunity to determine its own future.

He added that the reason for their support is because they have the same racial origin.

A meeting will be held in mid October 2000 between The Chairman of Papua Presidium Council and the Netherlands government to discuss matters concerning Papua.

A prominent figure of the Papua youth movement, Yorrys Raweyai, has denied that Papua's home-grown security force is armed. "There are no weapons. We don't have any weapons. God is our only weapon," said Yorrys, who was released after being detained as suspect in the bloody 27 July incident when the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Jakarta was attacked by a group of para-militia security task force.

Yorrys himself agrees with the idea of disarming civilians. According to Yorrys, armed civilians should be restricted to members of the Indonesian Target Shooting and Hunting Association (Perbakin). "Even they have to meet several requirements and procedures," he said.

According to Yorrys, his staff is currently clarifying data about the numbers of members in Papua no-official security task force, and investigating suitable forms for the force. A workshop will be held by the Commander of Papua Military Command and the Papua Police Chief to find a solution. Yorrys added that an open and violence-free dialog is necessary to discuss matters concerning Papua.



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The following is the Speech at the Millenium Summit of the UN by Mr. Bernard Dowiyogo, President of Nauru.

Republic of Nauru
Statement by His Excellency Bernard Dowiyogo M.P
President Of the Republic of Nauru and Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Minister for Finance & Economic Reform
United Nations Millennium Summit
New York
September 7, 2000

MR. PRESIDENT, EXCELLENCIES. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, THE REPUBLIC OF NAURU IS PLEASED TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS HISTORIC MILLENNIUM SUMMIT OF THE UNITED NATIONS. DESPITE HAVING ONLY JOINED THE UNITED NATIONS LAST YEAR, NAURU VALUES HIGHLY THE WORK OF THIS AUGUST BODY AND ALSO HOLDS THE HIGHEST EXPECTATIONS FOR ITS SUCCESS IN THE NEW CENTURY. FOR IT WAS THROUGH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE UNITED NATIONS SOME THIRTY FIVE YEARS AGO THAT THE PEOPLE OF NAURU SECURED THE SUPPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY FOR A VOTE ON SELF-DETERMINATION. HAVING ENJOYED THIRTY TWO YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE NAURU IS GREATLY ENCOURAGED THAT, THROUGH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE UNITED NATIONS, OUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS OF EAST TIMOR HAVE SECURED A PATH TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE. ON THIS OCCASION WE JOIN IN PRAYER THE FAMILIES OF THE THREE UN PERSONNEL KILLED YESTERDAY ON DUTY IN EAST TIMOR. AND YET, WE CAN REMAIN CONFIDENT THAT THE CONTINUED SUPPORT OF THE UNITED NATIONS CAN SEE THE PEOPLE OF EAST TIMOR THROUGH TO THEIR FINAL STEP OF NATIONHOOD. ON THE OTHER HAND, OUR MELANESIAN BROTHERS AND SISTERS IN WEST PAPUA ARE STILL STRIVING TO BREAK THE IMPOSITION OF COLONIAL DOMINATION AND FOREIGN CONTROL, FOLLOWING THE SO-CALLED ACT OF FREE CHOICE IN 1969. IT IS IMPERATIVE THAT WEST PAPUA BE GIVEN THE RIGHTFUL OPPORTUNITY OF A DEMOCRATIC REFERENDUM OF ITS INDIGENOUS PEOPLES, TO EXERCISE AT LAST THEIR RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION. THE UNITED NATIONS CANNOT STAND BY AND WITNESS THE DESTRUCTION OF THE PEOPLE OF WEST PAPUA, WHERE ALREADY MORE THAN HALF A MILLION HAVE BEEN LOST TO HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES. WE MUST NOT IN THIS AREA WITNESS ANOTHER CATASTROPHE AS OCCURRED IN EAST TIMOR. NAURU WOULD THEREFORE SUPPORT A UN RESOLUTION THAT PERMITS THE PEOPLE OF WEST PAPUA THE CHOICE OF SELF-DETERMINATION. MY GOVERNMENT IS CONCERNED ALSO THAT THE AREA CONSTITUTED BY THE PACIFIC STATES DOES NOT RECEIVE SUFFICIENT ATTENTION FROM THE UNITED NATIONS. SO OFTEN IT BECOMES LUMPED WITH ASIA AND THEREBY OVERWHELMED BY ASIA. OCEANIA IS A DISTINCT AREA WITH UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS AND CHALLENGES. THE PACIFIC SHOULD BE RECOGNISED ON ITS OWN BY THE UNITED NATIONS AS A SEPARATE REGIONAL GROUP. AS SMALL ISLAND DEVELOPING STATES WE ARE ESPECIALLY NOTED FOR OUR VULNERABILITY. PARTICULARLY IN RESPECT OF THE FRAGILITY OF OUR ENVIRONMENT. TOGETHER WITH OUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS OF THE PACIFIC, THE PEOPLE OF NAURU ARE THREATENED WITH GENOCIDE THROUGH GLOBAL WARMING AND THE RISE IN SEA-LEVEL. NAURU JOINS ALL RESPONSIBLE NATIONS OF THE WORLD TO URGE ESPECIALLY THOSE COUNTRIES RESPONSIBLE FOR PRESENT LEVELS OF POLLUTION FOR THE SWIFT AND EARLY IMPLEMENTATION OF THE INTENTIONS ENSHRINED IN THE KYOTO PROTOCOL. INDEED, ANY COLD WIND IS LIKELY TO EFFECT SEVERE DAMAGE, WHETHER THAT COLD WIND WAS THE RISE IN SEA-LEVELS, POLLUTION OF FISHING GROUNDS, FINANCIAL SANCTIONS OR, AS IN NAURU'S CASE, THE EXHAUSTION OF ITS ONLY EXPORT, PHOSPHATE ROCK. WHILST THE TOURIST POSTERS MAY CONJURE IMAGES OF PARADISE IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS, THE DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGES ARE REAL AND OMINOUS. WITH HIGH RATES OF POPULATION GROWTH AND VULNERABLE ECONOMIES THERE IS INCREASING DEPENDENCE ON EXTERNAL AID. THERE HAS BEEN A STEADY DECLINE IN PER CAPITA INCOMES AND STANDARDS OF LIVING RESULTING IN INCREASED POVERTY. WITH SUBSTANTIAL EXTERNAL DEBT, THE DEVELOPING STATES OF THE PACIFIC NOT ONLY REQUIRE DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE BUT CONSIDERABLE FOREIGN PRIVATE INVESTMENT. EVEN AS SMALL ISLAND DEVELOPING STATES HAVE ATTEMPTED TO STRENGTHEN THEIR SLENDER RESOURCES THEY OCCASSIONALLY COME UNDER ATTACK FROM THE DEVELOPED ECONOMIES. THE ATTACKS RECENTLY FROM THE OECD UPON OFFSHORE FINANCIAL REGIMES INCLUDING NAURU HAVE BEEN NOT SO MUCH ON THE BASIS OF MONEY LAUNDERING BUT RATHER FOR THE MORE DUBIOUS REASON OF SO-CALLED HARMFUL TAX PRACTICES. NAURU HAS BEEN APPRECIATIVE OF THE SUPPORT OF THE UNITED NATIONS OFFSHORE FORUM WHICH HAS, AT LEAST, RECOGNISED THE DAMAGE POSED BY THE OECD ATTACKS. IF THE SMALL ISLAND DEVELOPING STATES ARE TO BE SUSTAINABLY DEVELOPED THEY WILL NEED A MASSIVE COOPERATIVE EFFORT FROM THE DEVELOPED STATES AND A GENUINE APPRECIATION FOR THEIR UNIQUE CHALLENGES. ONE OF THE DEVELOPED STATES WHICH HAS EXTENDED A HAND OF COOPERATION HAS BEEN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA. AS A ROBUST DEMOCRACY AND CHAMPION OF HUMAN RIGHTS VALUES, THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA HAS DEMONSTRATED BOTH CAPACITY AND ENTHUSIASM TO CONTRIBUTE MEANINGFULLY TO INTERNATIONAL WELFARE AND PROGRESS. ALONG WITH A NUMBER OF OTHER UN STATE MEMBERS, NAURU THEREFORE SUPPORTS THE INCLUSION OF A SUPPLEMENTARY ITEM ON THE AGENDA OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY TO EXAMINE THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA. THE TWENTY THREE MILLION PEOPLE OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA DESERVE NO LESS THAN THEIR PROPER INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION, AND FOR SO LONG AS THEY ARE EXCLUDED FROM THE UN WE CANNOT CONSIDER THIS AUGUST BODY UNIVERSALLY REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD. IN CONCLUDING, I AM HOPEFUL THAT AS THE UNITED NATIONS STRIDES INTO A NEW CENTURY, REFORM OF THE UN CHARTER WILL ASSUME GREATER PROMINENCE. WE CERTAINLY CANNOT ACCEPT THE UN TO CONTINUE AS IT DOES WITHOUT ALLOWING WIDER AND DEEPER INVOLVEMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN ADDRESSING CORE GLOBAL CHALLENGES. AS LEADERS, WE HAVE A DUTY TO THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD TO ENSURE THAT THE NEW CENTURY IS A SAFER, MORE PROSPEROUS ONE THAN THE 20TH CENTURY. IN THIS THE 2000TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF OUR LORD IT IS MY SINCERE HOPE THAT LOVE AND UNDERSTANDING AMONGST OUR PEOPLES OF THE WORLD WILL PREVAIL. FOR IT HAS BEEN SAID THAT THE RULE OF LAW WITHOUT LOVE IS TYRANNY. THANK YOU, AND MAY GOD BLESS YOU ALL.


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The following is the Speech at the Millenium Summit of the UN by Vanuatu PM's
08 September 2000


GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU
Republic of Vanuatu
Statement by Hon. Maautamate B. Sope, MP.
Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu
United Nations Millennium Summit
New York,
8 September 2000.


Co‑Presidents,
Distinguished Delegates
The People of the Republic of Vanuatu, whom I am honoured to represent here today, are proud to be part of this Millennium Summit on "The Role of the United Nations in the Twenty‑First Century ". When the Republic of Vanuatu was formally admitted as a full member of the United Nations in 1981, the fundamental ideals and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter became part of the framework for our nation‑building strategy and a source of inspiration in our common endeavours to create a better world for our future generations. For the United Nations to uphold a credibility in its central role of promoting a just and peaceful world in the Twenty‑First Century, it will be important and necessary that its structures, its decision‑making processes, its plans of actions, its focus and its directions must relate to the daily interests and concerns of the majority of ordinary people of this planet, including children, the disabled, women and the unemployed youth, and not just the interests and concerns of the richer and the more powerful members of our Organisation. The Millennium Report of‑ the Secretary‑General, which we commend, provides this Summit a good background as well as clear options for us to redirect and refocus the United Nations in its primary functions of assisting Member States in raising the standards of living of their respective populations.

From our small island perspective, we feel it is also important to further stress the crucial place of a number of issues, including the following: "h greater and easier access to education for our growing populations. At the current rate of population growth in developing countries, including Vanuatu, this will become the greatest challenge for us all in this millennium; "h improved health services to the poorest and most remote parts of our nations; "h greater gender equity at all levels of societies; "h a better cooperation and rationalization of resource use between the United Nations and other multilateral bodies, such as L' Agence de la Francophonie and the Commonwealth; "h brighter economic opportunities for the most vulnerable nations through more responsive Official Development Assistance programmes and genuine foreign direct investments to support their development initiatives such as in renewable energy and new information technology; "h a more equitable sharing of benefits from the ever complex globalisation regime, including the international trading system; "h an immediate ratification by the industrialized countries of international treaties on the protection and sustainable management of our natural environment and resources which are so vital to the very survival of millions of citizens of small island states; "h a global village fully committed to peace, justice, law and order, mutual respect, and tolerance; and "h a recognition and respect of the fundamental rights to self‑determination. Over the past fifty years or so, much progress has been achieved in terms of economic and social advancement globally, and the role of the United Nations, other multilateral agencies and bilateral partners in this regard deserves our full recognition and continuing support. Much more, however, remains to be done. And it must be a priority for the United Nations to fully address the issues raised at this Summit. The Pacific region and its development needs deserve due consideration in the new millennium. It covers the largest area of ocean, huge marine resources, dynamic and diverse cultural and traditional values and, a young and growing population. An earlier proposal for a separate Pacific Grouping within the UN warrants serious consideration. The recent admission of Tuvalu, as the 189th member, is greatly welcomed by the People and the Government of Vanuatu. And it is our prayer that this new millennium will see a further increase in the Pacific Island membership. We would also like to suggest that the UN and related institutions based in the Pacific region, their decision‑making processes in relation to development programmes for our islands, should be fully reviewed in the context of priorities established by the Pacific Island Member Countries. We are concerned that some powerful countries are using regional institutions and programmes to promote their own interests in our region. We must not allow this trend to continue. Co‑Presidents, Despite our meager resources, the Republic of Vanuatu is proud to be able to participate for the first time in a UN Peace-keeping Mission, in East Timor and Bosnia, in addition to our small contribution to Pacific regional peace‑monitoring missions. The recent tragic killing of 3 UN personnel in West Timor by militant groups must be condemned by this Summit. And we urge the Indonesian Government to take appropriate steps to positively and effectively address the situation. Co‑Presidents, As World leaders, we have time and time again, expressed serious concerns and dissatisfaction that certain decisions and actions by the United Nations or its organs were not consistent with the purposes and intentions of the Charter. However, nothing is done to right the wrong. At this Summit, we must recognize that, when such errors are identified, it becomes our joint responsibility and it is in the best interest of this, our international family of nations and peoples, to make sure that the most appropriate actions are taken ‑ and to take them now ‑ to rectify such errors, so that we can embark on the new millennium with a clear conscience. In this context, Co‑Presidents, as Chairman and an active member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group which is committed to promoting and safeguarding the Melanesian identity, values, traditions and rights, the Republic of Vanuatu calls on the United Nations to review the political and legal basis of its own undertakings in the 50s and 60s in relation to the fundamental rights and the fate of Melanesian brothers and sisters in the Asia‑Pacific region, in particular, in West Papua. The continuing disputes and. concerns raised on the legality of UN‑endorsed instruments which have been concluded during those years, such as the New York Agreement of 1962, to govern the UN administration of the so‑called Act of Free Choice in West Papua is a clear example challenging the integrity and validity of the UN resolutions at that time. This simply is a mockery to the fundamental principles on human rights and self‑determination clearly enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations cannot and must not, in this new millennium, continue to turn a blind eye on its own past failures which has led to three long agonizing decades of injustice, tragedy and guerilla warfare in West Papua. It is both morally, politically and legally wrong to do so. The United Nations has competent agencies and institutions, such as the Committee of 24 or the International Court of Justice, which should be tasked to look into this or give an advisory opinion. The Netherlands which was the former colonial authority, in particular, should recognize that they some responsibility in helping to resolve the unfortunate situation of West Papua in a peaceful and transparent manner. Co‑Presidents, The resolutions we will be adopting and the new directions we are setting for the United Nations for the new millennium can have significant impacts on the future of our global relations and the lives of the world's people, particularly, in the small and poor countries. It is a challenging responsibility. We do not want to fail this time around. Thank You.


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Received from IHRSTAD/ELS-HAM: 22 August 2000

Three shot dead, 12 wounded after flag-raising action in Sorong
[This report is at variance with the AFP report of the incident.]


West Papua's leading human rights organisation IRSTAD/ELS-HAM issued a statement on 22 August giving details of an incident at Imanual Church, Sorong, when the security forces opened fire on a crowd of people who had unfurled the Papuan Morning Star flag, killing three people and wounding twelve.

On 21 August a group of around sixty pro-Independence Papuans arrived in Sorong aboard two longboats from Kabare, island of North Waigeo. The boats were steered by Butonese sailors. After coming ashore they set up a tent near Imanual Church.

From 4am till 7 am the next morning, they held aloft the Papuan flag on the church premises. The parish priest, Fredy Mambrasar, afraid that the church might be associated with the flag-raising, reported the incident to the local police. At 8.30am, two companies of Brimob tropps arrived on the scene. (Recently, an additional 600 Brimob troops have arrived in Sorong.)

The police told ELS-HAM that the flag-raisers were the first to attack, compelling the Brimob troops to open fire in self-defence.

But an eye witness denied this and said that when the troops arrived, there was a row between them and the flag-raisers, with the police saying that the flag must be pulled down but the flag-raisers refusing to do so. When the police opened fire without first firing warning shots, the flag-raisers counter-attacked but the firing continued so the crowd fled to avoid being shot at. Some jumped into the sea and swam off. But the police gave chase and arrested a number of people.

When the incident ended, three people had been shot dead, twelve had sustained bullet wounds and 23 people were taken into custody by the police. At first the three dead and five of the wounded were taken to Aryoko Hospital, Sorong but later in the day, they were removed to the Regional General Hospital. Altogether twelve people are being treated in the hospital for their wounds.

When ELS-HAM tried to obtain information about the three dead, the police refused to allow this. Security guards watching the bodies told the organisation that they were under strict instructions not to allow anyone from the local government or anyone else to approach the bodies. According to local sources, the three dead were to be buried that same evening. Meanwhile 23 people are being held by the police.

Sorong is tense and the security forces are everywhere. The ELS-HAM report lists the names of eleven of the twelve wounded. The twelfth man has not been identified. All twelve are suffering from bullet wounds, except one person who was beaten so badly that his face is smashed in.


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Received from AWPA: 10 August 2000

Concern as Indonesia dispatches troops to West Papua

By PAUL DALEY
FOREIGN AFFAIRS CORRESPONDENT CANBERRA

Regional intelligence agencies, diplomats and defence officials fear a new Indonesian military operation to quell growing independence moves in West Papua could trigger border tensions with Papua New Guinea and deepen the rift between Canberra and Jakarta.

Intelligence analysts and defence officials confirm estimates from West Papuan sources that thousands of Indonesian troops have been dispatched since Monday, when Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid ruled out independence for the province that borders PNG. Estimates of the number of Indonesian troops normally based in West Papua range from 1400 to several thousand regular and special forces (Kopassus) troop. Some sources maintain that up to 600 troops - including members of the strategic reserve, Kostrad - have been dispatched in recent days to each of the province's 13 regencies or districts.

The Indonesian troop build-up is likely to become a serious concern for Australian defence officials who hold deep fears about the potential for Indonesian "hot pursuits" of Free Papua rebels across the porous West Papua-PNG border.The troop build-up could further strain relations between Jakarta and Australia which - while recognising Indonesia's sovereignty over West Papua - has called for the protection of West Papuan human rights.

"What we need to be clear about here is Indonesia's intention and whether this is the military acting unilaterally or with the imprimatur of Wahid," a diplomatic source told The Age."Either way, if this is the beginning of a military exercise designed to put down the rebels by force rather than just a show of military force, then it signals a potentially very big blip on the regional stability radar."

Jacob Rumbiak, a West Papuan academic and author who lives in Melbourne, said he was called at 3am yesterday by a Protestant pastor in one of the western regencies of West Papua. Dr Rumbiak said the pastor told him that thousands of Indonesian troops had been dispatched to all regencies of the province. He said the deployment started six hours after Mr Wahid's statement to the Indonesian parliament outlining his willingness to offer West Papua and Aceh autonomy but not independence. "It is clear that the troops are trying to provoke some sort of reaction," Dr Rumbiak said.

George Aditjondro, an Indonesian academic who lived in West Papua when it was known as Irian Jaya, said his contacts in the province had confirmed big Indonesian troop movements in the past 48 hours. He said that the dispatch of large numbers of troops to each West Papuan district has been made easier by the fact that world attention has been focused on religious fighting in the Maluku islands and on security surrounding President Wahid's speech to parliament.

"Now that the troops have actually already landed in West Papua ... regardless of their views about the role of the military in Indonesian politics, where some generals are more reformist than others, as far as territorial integrity is concerned they are all the same, whether it is West Papua or Aceh or any other province which wants to break away," Dr Aditjondro said. "It will always invite a military answer. This also shows that the regime of Abdurrahman Wahid is still basically an iron fist covered by a velvet glove." Dr Aditjondro said that although he did "not know exactly how the troops came in", many had arrived from Java and Ambon.

A spokesman for Foreign Minister Alexander Downer declined to comment on the troop movements. He said Australia "unequivocally supports Indonesian territorial integrity and regards West Papua/Irian Jaya as an integral part of Indonesia"."We want to see the welfare and human rights of the people of West Papua advanced in a united and peaceful way," he said.


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