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On This
Page:
Yudhohono
condemned for failing to stop military operation
Elsham appeal over central
highlands military operation
Another fine mess in Papua
Court ruling perpetuates
conflict in Papua
Susilo gives Christmas 'gifts'
to Papua, Munir's family
British Government admits
West Papua 'coerced' into joining Indonesia
Call for
investigation into crackdown in Puncak Jaya,
West Papua
Come to An
Cliabhán's new CD launch party on Nov
27th!
West Papua
Action AGM Nov 27th
Indonesia Puts Travel Ban on
Journalists (Nov 11)
Anti-military
demonstration in West Papua (October 30)
Papua,
Integrity and Susilo's Presidency (October
26)
Prospects
for peace in Papua (October 21)
West
Papuans welcome Vanuatu call at UN General
Assembly (Sept 28)
Activist warns of West
Papua 'time bomb' (Sept 29)
Tapol
Statement: Another General Takes Charge (Sept
28)
UN sowed
seeds of doubt about its own legitimacy in
West Papua (Sept 18)
War crimes
suspect to lead probe into U.S. deaths in
Papua (Sept 11)
Irish company to supply
Indonesia with military equipment (Sept 3)
Declassified documents show US support for
West Papua take-over (July 9)
Vanuatu
offers to hold peace talks (30 June)
US
Senators call for UN Special Rep. on Papua
and Aceh (28 June)
Vale
Julian Nunaki, Sampari
Stan McWilliams completes
Triathlon for West Papua Action
Helena McCanney completes
Women's Mini Marathon for West Papua Action
Launch of West Papua Action
Network USA
Preview and Review of
Land of the Morning Star in Irish media
TDs help
Papuans inch towards freedom
West
Papua Documentary to be shown on RTE Network
2, 25 April
West
Papua Update, Workshop, Sat. 24 April
Kennedy
congratulates TDs for challenging sham vote
in West Papua (26 March)
TDs call on UN to review its
role on West Papua (Irish Times, 26 March)
Dáil deputies urge
UN to review role in takeover of West Papua
(Irish Examiner, 25 March)
MAJORITY
OF TDS CHALLENGE SHAM VOTE IN WEST PAPUA (25
March)
STATEMENT BY ARCHBISHOP
DESMOND TUTU, SOUTH AFRICA (23 February)
Yale Law School finds evidence
of Genocide in West Papua
>>>
Globalisation and Genocide in West Papua,
Human Rights Symposium with George Monbiot,
Carmel Budiardjo and John Rumbiak: Download
Transcript Here >>>
Yudhohono condemned
for failing to stop military operation
Press Conference Announcement - December 23,
2004
Today, an unprecedented coalition of church
groups, non-government
organizations, tribal councils, women and
student groups held a Press
Conference in Jayapura, the capital of Indonesia's
Papua province at 10.00am
local time, (12.00 Eastern Standard Time)
to condemn Indonesian President
Yudhoyono for failing to stop the on-going
military operation in the
highlands area of Puncak Jaya, West Papua.
The Press Conference today announced: the
Christmas visit of President
Yudhoyono to West Papua will not proceed.
"In such a situation of grave
humanitarian crisis, with thousands of our
people suffering and at serious
risk, SBY's visit for Christmas is like him
coming to dance on our graves",
said Rev. Socrates Sofyan Yoman, President
of the Papuan Baptist Church.
Despite appeals from the West Papuan people
to stop the military operation,
through demonstrations, recommendations from
the Papuan Parliament and press
statements, there is no sign the government
has made any move to stop the
operation. Mr Yudhoyono is scheduled to visit
West Papua on the 26th of
December to celebrate Christmas.
On December 21st the coalition made an appeal
to the international community
to urge their governments to press the Indonesian
government over the Puncak
Jaya operation.
Facts
The situation in Puncak Jaya is deteriorating
More than 6000 highland tribal people have
been displaced in the military
operation
The deaths of 23 civilians from starvation
and exposure, mainly children and
babies, have been verified in early December
Crops, livestock, homes, churches and clinics
have been destroyed
The area remains closed to church officials,
medical staff, aid workers,
independent observers and the media. No independent
investigation has been
conducted
No relief has been delivered - the refugees
remain without help, shelter and
food
FOR further information PLEASE CONTACT:
IN ENGLISH 1. Denny YOMAKI (Secretary of ELSHAM,
West Papuan Institute for
Human Rights Study and Advocacy ), Phn: +62-(0)81344119442
2. Dr. Benny GIAY (Bible Church Camp Papua),
Phn: +62-(0)815-86237462
3. John RUMBIAK, Coordinator of International
Advocacy for ELSHAM in Sydney,
Australia, Phn: +61-(0)424572475
IN INDONESIAN
1. Sofyan YOMAN (President of West Papua Baptist
Church) Phn:
+62-(0)812-4888458,
2. Lipius Biniluk, Chairman of the Christian
Evangelical Church Indonesia in
West Papua, Phn. +62-(0)81344062678,
3. Aloysius RENWARIN (Chairman
of ELSHAM), Phn: +62-(0)816-4336370 or +62-(0)967-581520
An Appeal to the International
Community over the devastating Puncak Jaya
Operation and Wider Destabilizing Political
Developments in West Papua
Elsham News Service, 21 December 2004
Solution to Papuan military operation a test
for new Indonesian President Yudhoyono's leadership
Indonesia's new President must end the current
military operation underway in Papua province
through peaceful dialogue or risk allowing
the region to become increasingly unstable
and torn by civil conflict.
The Deterioting Military Operation in Puncak
Jaya
Despite President Yudhoyono having expressed
a willingness to find a sustainable solution
to the four decade long conflict in West Papua,
since August a military operation in the highlands
area of Puncak Jaya has led to the displacement
of up to more than six thousand indigenous
tribe members and the deaths of at least twenty
three, mainly children and babies, from starvation.
Having been forced from their villages by
the Indonesian military, the Papuan refugees
have been denied access to food and medicine
and have had their villages, livestock and
food gardens destroyed. According to Reverend
Sofyan Yomans of the Papuan Baptist church,
the villagers ?are too frightened to return
to their homes, fearing they will be accused
of being separatists or supporters of the
OPM, and killed?. (OPM stands for Organisasi
Papua Merdeka, or Free Papua Movement.)
The Puncak Jaya operation is seen as a test
case for Yudhoyono?s fledgling leadership.
The atmosphere in Papua is increasingly desperate
as peace advocates and church groups warn
of an impending East Timor-like scenario if
urgent action is not taken to defuse the situation.
The highlands area has become a militarized
zone where access is denied. Church officials
previously allowed freedom of movement have
now effectively been barred from offering
aid and solace to their congregations, which
have been dispersed over the last four months.
Journalists have also been barred.
A similar military campaign during 2003 was
investigated last November by the Indonesian
National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM).
Soldiers from Kopassus were found to have
committed gross human rights abuses and crimes
against humanity.
Meanwhile, it has been reported by church
sources on the ground that several attacks
on police officers in the Puncak Jaya area
have been orchestrated, not by OPM, but by
Kopassus operatives who have infiltrated the
OPM. The officers shot have all been native
Papuans, but new attacks, for instance, at
the time of the President's visit to Papua
this week, may provide a trigger for a rapid
escalation of the fighting.
Wider Destabilising Political Developments
in West Papua
West Papua is home to the US world's largest
gold and copper mine, operated by PT. Freeport
Indonesia, while British energy giant BP plans
to start the construction of the Tangguh liquefied
natural gas (LNG) facility next year, and
the Australian BHP Billiton is hoping to go
ahead with an open cut nickel mine.
Increasing militarization, coupled with human
rights abuses and unmet demands for independence,
have turned Indonesia's easternmost province
into a "time bomb waiting to go off"
that could drag Australia and the rest of
South Pacific into its wreckage.
Locals are losing patience with Jakarta after
moderate independence leader Theys Eluay was
assassinated in November 2001 and efforts
to establish a "zone of peace" throughout
the province by humans rights workers failed.
An extra 25,000 troops have been poured into
the mineral and timber-rich province since
2000, and more than a million migrants have
moved into the province from elsewhere in
Indonesia, rapidly closing the gap on the
1.5 million native Papuans.
And over the last year reports have filtered
out from the coastal town of Sorong that shipments
of guns have been arriving and are being distributed
to local people and to militia members recruited
by the notorious Eurico Gutterres. Gutterres
was accused of committing crimes against humanity
following the bloodbath after the 1999 East
Timor referendum.
Australia and neighbouring countries would
be affected if wide-scale violence broke out
and refugees began fleeing over the border
to Papua New Guinea. A "failed state"
crisis in Papua could also threaten security
in the wider Pacific region.
Unless President Yudhoyono takes decisive
steps this week, Papuan anger may spill over
in what is already a very dangerous situation.
His visit to Papua for Christmas on this coming
26 December is a clear opportunity for him
to show his strength and commitment to bring
the military under control in Puncak Jaya.
International Solidarity Movement for West
Papuan, world church institutions and human
rights groups as well as sympathisers around
the world are called on to act urgently and
telephone, email or write to their governments
and members of Parliament, urging President
Yudhoyono to:
· halt the Puncak Jaya operation, remove
the military from the area and allow it to
be reopened to humanitarian groups.
· allow proper independent investigations
into the recent spate of killings
to be undertaken
· allow urgently needed food, medical
supplies and shelter to be provided for the
displaced refugees, who should be allowed
to return to the sites of their villages without
fear of reprisal
· allow the Indonesian Human Rights
Commission to investigate the military?s excesses
· restore some sense of certainty and
just treatment to the lives of the indigenous
Papuan Christian community by introducing
an appropriate set of concrete policies, including
a withdrawal of the massive troop presence
in Papua, dismantling the militias and dropping
a decree that has divided the province into
three.
Implementation of the above will be an excellent
way for President Yudhoyono to solidify his
position at the start of his presidency and
gain the respect of the international community.
It can also provide an urgently needed space
in which Papuans can move forward on the crucial
issue of dialogue. Governments are asked to
"support and encourage" President
Yudhoyono to establish the "necessary
pre-conditions" for peaceful DIALOGUE.
This appeal has been issued on December 21,
2004 in West Papua by A Coalition of West
Papuan Church, Human Rights and Students Organizations
and Tribal Councils:
1. West Papuan Baptist Church in Jayapura
2. Christian Evangelical Church (GKI) in the
Land of Papua in Jayapura
3. Catholic Diocese of Jayapura
4. Christian Evangelical Church Indonesia
(GIDI) in West Papua
5. Secretariat for Justice and Peace, Catholic
Diocese of Jayapura
6. West Papuan Institute for Human Rights
Study and Advocacy (Elsham) in Jayapura
7. Foundation for Human Rights and Against
Violence (YAHAMAK) in Timika
8. West Papua Tribal Council in Jayapura
9. Papua Presidium Council in Jayapura
10. Bureau of Human Rights and Justice, Bible
Camp Church of West Papua (GKII), in Jayapura
11. Association of Jayawijaya Women in Wamena
12. Solidarity of Papuan Women in Jayapura
13. Association of West Papuan Political Prisoners
in Jayapura
14. West Papuan People's Front Against Militarism
in Jayapura
15. West Papuan Front for the Oppressed People
16. West Papuan Solidarity Committee in Jayapura
17. Association of West Papuan Highlands Stundents
in Jayapura
18. Association of Catholic Students in Jayapura
19. Association of Biak Students in Jayapura
20. Triton Foundation in Sorong
21. Legal Aid and Human Rights Papua in Sorong
22. Echo Foundation Papua Raja Ampat in Sorong
23. Justice and Peace for Sorong and Manokwari,
Catholic Diocese of Sorong
24. Centre of Malamoi Tribal Council in Sorong
25. Malamoi Tribal Council Della Village,
Kab.Sorong
26. Knasaimos Tribal Council, South Sorong
Regency
27. Traditional Council, South Sorong Regency
28. Association of Moi Students in Indonesia,
Sorong
29. Perdu Foudnation in Manokwari
30. YALHIMO Foundation in Manokwari
31. LP3BH Foundation in Manokwari
32. Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) in Jayapura
FOR further information PLEASE CONTACT:
IN ENGLISH
1. Dr. Benny GIAY (Bible Church Camp Papua),
Phn: +62-(0)815-86237462
2. Denny YOMAKI (Secretary of ELSHAM), Phn:
+62-(0)81344119442; E-mail: elshamnewsservice@jayapura.wasantara.net.id
3. John RUMBIAK, Coordinator of International
Advocacy for ELSHAM in Sydney, Australia,
Phn: +61-(0)424572475; Email: john_rumbiak@hotmail.com
IN INDONESIAN
1. Sofyan YOMAN (President of West Papua Baptist
Church) Phn: +62-(0)812-4888458
2. Aloysius RENWARIN (Chairman of West Papuan
Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy
- ELSHAM), Phn: +62-(0)816-4336370 or +62-(0)967-581520;
E-mail: elshamnewsservice@jayapura.wasantara.net.id
3. Rev. Lipius Biniluk, Chairman of the Christian
Evangelical Church Indonesia in West Papua,
Phn. +62-(0)81344062678
Another fine mess in
Papua
The Jakarta Post.com. Editorial.
November 18, 2004
The Constitutional Court could
not have come up with a worse decision when
it ruled that the carving of Papua into three
provinces was illegitimate while also recognizing
the presence of the new West Irian Jaya province
as a fact of life. This ruling is sowing more
confusion into an already confused state of
affairs in Papua. The source of this latest
controversy is a January 2003 instruction
by then President Megawati Soekarnoputri to
establish three new provinces out of Papua
as mandated in a 1999 law enacted during the
administration of President B.J. Habibie.
But this law, according to the Constitutional
Court, was effectively annulled when Megawati
enacted in November 2001 the special autonomy
law for Papua. The court deemed her instruction
for the creation of West Irian Jaya, Central
Irian Jaya and Eastern Irian Jaya provinces
as equally invalid. But the court said it
also recognized the presence of the West Irian
Jaya province because the regional apparatus
-- an administration, and an elected legislative
council and the region's elected representatives
to the People's Legislative Assembly in Jakarta
-- had been created. The court ruling, however,
puts a stop to the creation of the other two
new provinces. Going by the Constitutional
Court ruling, we are now left with two provinces
in the western half of the New Guinea Island:
West Irian Jaya covering the Bird's Head region
of the island, and Papua, covering the eastern
and heartland of the Papua territory.
Also going by the court ruling,
West Irian Jaya is considered an illegitimate
province. Here is a province that was conceived
by Habibie and born into this world, with
some inducement, during Megawati's presidency.
It is now left to President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono to raise this illegitimate child.
Such an awkward status is bound to haunt the
province in years to come. The court ruling
has also left many unanswered questions. What
happens to the special autonomy law which
treats Papua as one single province? Would
the Papuan People's Council, whose creation
is mandated under the special autonomy law,
have the authority to speak on behalf of West
Irian Jaya too? Or, God forbid, would the
Papuan people have to negotiate all over again
to secure a new legislation for its special
autonomy status? Time will tell how Papua
and West Irian Jaya will emerge out of this
huge mess. But this episode confirms what
many Papuans believe or have long suspected:
that Jakarta is bent on interfering in the
affairs of Papua, even as it promises to give
greater autonomy to this backward but resource-rich
province. The status of Papua as a special
autonomous region today is only in name.
This is a problem that could
have been prevented had Megawati heeded appeals
from Papuans in 2003 to stop the process of
establishing the West Irian Jaya province.
The fact that she went ahead with this "divide-and-conquer
policy" suggests some hidden agenda on
her part, or on the part of parties behind
the move. Papuans will now turn to President
Susilo to resolve this issue in the best possible
way. In the October presidential election
Papuans overwhelmingly voted for him instead
of Megawati. He owes them that much. Let's
hope he will not disappoint them.
Court
ruling perpetuates conflict in Papua
Jakarta Post.com November 18,
2004
Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post
The decision by the Constitutional
Court on the judicial review of Law No. 45/1999
in Jakarta on Thursday surprised many, including
those opposed to and those who support the
controversial formation of West Irian Jaya
province. Accompanied by Papua governor Jaap
Solossa, Papua Legislative Council Chairman
John Ibo who filed a request for the judicial
review, expressed disappointment with the
verdict, saying the decision with its strong
political overtones did not provide a solution
to the core issue in the country's easternmost
province.
Acting governor of West Irian
Jaya Octavianus Brahm Atururi and officials
from the home and defense ministries and the
National Intelligence Agency (BIN) seemed
pleased by the decision that acknowledges
the existence of the new province. However
it is unclear whether the new province will
enjoy the special autonomy status as Papua
does under Law No. 21/2001. The Court buried
Law No. 45/1999 -- on the formation of West
and Central Irian Jaya Provinces and that
of several new regencies, including Paniai,
Puncak Jaya and Mimika -- because its enforcement
was not in line with Law No. 21/2001. The
two laws were not in conflict with the Amended
1945 Constitution but their enforcement raised
serious implications in the field. Eight of
nine judges were of the same legal opinion
that West Irian Jaya and the new regencies
under it remained valid, although Law No.
45/1999 was no longer effective. They argue
that the special autonomy law took effect
after the new province and regencies were
formed, and no state institutions have annulled
the law.
The judges argue that the new
province and regencies should be accepted
because they have their own administration
and legislatures and representatives in the
House of Representatives who were elected
in the April legislative election. The Constitutional
Court's ruling, which is final and binding,
has left legal and political uncertainty for
both Papua and West Irian Jaya. West Irian
Jaya and the new regencies were accepted although
they have no legal basis. Like other provinces,
regencies and/or mayoralties, the new province
and regencies formed under the already annulled
law, need new laws as the legal basis for
their formation and a valid administration
in the future. In addition, many legal experts
are baffled by the court's argument that Law
No. 45/1999 remained effective in spite of
Law No. 21/2001 as long as no relevant authorities
had declared the former law ineffective. Judge
Maruarar Siahaan in his dissenting opinion
argues that West Irian Jaya's existence should
be declared invalid because Law No. 45/1999
is in conflict with the 2001 Papua special
autonomy law, and the new province's formation
was mandated by a controversial presidential
instruction in 2003, two years after the special
autonomy law took effect. Law No. 45/1999
automatically became ineffective regardless
of whether or not it was declared ineffective,
he argues.
The court verdict needs a political
decision on the new province's status. If
the new province of West Irian Jaya will also
enjoy special autonomy like Papua, it has
to be mandated in a special autonomy law.
As a consequence it would also have the right
to share the special autonomy funds and to
establish its own highest law-making body
similar to Papua's Peoples Assembly (MRP).
The local assembly is assigned to elect a
governor and design development policy in
the province. With its decision, which is
irreversible, the Constitutional Court has
apparently tried to provide a win-win political
solution for all conflicting sides in Papua
and Jakarta, but it has not only failed to
solve the prolonged issue, but will even worsen
the situation there. John Ibo, in filing the
judicial review request, noted Jakarta's reluctance
to fully implement the special autonomy law,
which has been given by the People's Consultative
Assembly and through national consensus as
the main framework to seek a comprehensive
solution to the Papua issue.
The Assembly agreed to give
special autonomy to Papua and Aceh in 1999
amid the strong demand for a self-determination
ballot in the two provinces following the
stepping-down of former president Soeharto
and the beginning of the reform era. He said
the Papuan people lost confidence again in
Jakarta when president Megawati Soekarnoputri
declined to approve the draft regulation on
the establishment of the MRP and to fully
disburse the special autonomy funds in the
first two years of the implementation of autonomy.
According to Law No. 21/2001, the MRP will
play an important role in designing development
policy and approving the appointment of high-ranking
officials in the province. The central government
later turned down the draft regulation as
it was feared it would pave the way for the
province's separation from Indonesia. Papuan
people and local government officials have
strongly rejected this concern as invalid,
saying the law clearly stipulates that Papua
is part of Indonesian territory.
The presidential instruction
issued by Megawati, was issued with strong
support from the Ministry of Home Affairs,
the Indonesian Military and the BIN which
were believed to have their own interests
in the planned formation of the two new provinces.
Certain high-ranking officials at the home
ministry have allegedly gained financial advantage
from the establishment of new administrations
in the new province and regencies while the
Indonesian Military and BIN have maintained
their security businesses with the presence
of two giant mining companies in Manokwari
and Timika respectively. The formation of
new provinces was also expected to help security
authorities to control separatist activities
in the region. The Constitutional Court has
planted a time bomb in the region that could
explode if the majority of tribal people opposing
the formation of the new province are dissatisfied
with the provincial administration's performance.
The new province's establishment, however,
has won political support from migrants from
Java, Sulawesi and Maluku. Besides, the Court
decision also raises new problems for President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government which
has expressed its commitment to fully implement
special autonomy and review the controversial
presidential instruction as recently promised
by the President himself to the Papuans. (The
author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.
He can be reached at ridwan@thejakartapost.com)
Susilo gives Christmas
'gifts' to Papua, Munir's family
Jakarta Post.com December 24,
2004
Ahead of Christmas and New Year's
Eve, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has
given two precious gifts to Papuans and the
family of the late rights campaigner, Munir.
He signed on Wednesday night presidential
regulations on the establishment of the long-awaited
Papua People's Assembly and an independent
team to probe Munir's death. Presidential
spokesman Andi Mallarangeng said in Surabaya
on Thursday that the President's signing of
the two regulations showed his commitment
to implementing the 2001 special autonomy
law for Papua as well as to
uncovering the mystery behind Munir's death.
The regulations were signed just two days
before Susilo is scheduled to visit the easternmost
province. "When visiting Papua (on Friday),
the President can face the people by saying
that his (presidential campaign) promise,
to implement fully special autonomy for Papua,
has been fulfilled," Andi was quoted
by Antara as saying. He added that the government
would complete the establishment of the people's
assembly in the next two months.
The issue of the people's assembly
has come to the fore in recent years, particularly
after the central government, then under president
Megawati Soekarnoputri, divided Papua into
three provinces: Papua, Central Papua and
West Papua -- based on a 1999 law. Papuans
considered the partition of Papua into three
provinces as illegal as there was no people's
assembly to consult with. And yet, the central
government went ahead with the plan. Papuans
then brought the case to the Constitutional
Court, which later annulled the 1999 law on
the partition of Papua -- as it was against
the 2001 autonomy law -- but recognized the
existence of West Papua province. Papuans
have apparently interpreted that any government
decision on Papua must involve or at least
consult the people's assembly, but the central
government sees it differently.
For the central government,
the people's assembly is no more than just
a cultural representation of Papuans -- after
all their members are not elected. Andi warned
that the people's assembly should not be seen
as a "super-body" but as an institution
that would contribute to the development of
Papua by adopting local values. "That
needs to be understood by Papuan people,"
Andi said. On the Munir case, Andi said, the
President was serious in his efforts to help
reveal the identity/identities of those responsible
for the death of the noted rights campaigner
and punish them accordingly. Munir, the founder
of both the Indonesian Human Rights Watch
(Imparsial) and the Commission for Missing
Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras),
died of arsenic poisoning aboard a Garuda
flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on Sept.
7. "The President will do whatever he
can to solve this case," Andi said.He
said that the team would not impinge upon
the police's ongoing investigation but would
strengthen it. When asked about its members,
Andi said the members would include names
suggested during a meeting with representatives
of Munir's family and Imparsial.
"It can be said that the
names of the team members are in accordance
with our previous talks, with additional members
representing the government, such as those
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the
Attorney General's Office," Andi said.
Earlier, the police and activists, close friends
and family members of the late Munir had agreed
to form an independent investigative team
to assist the police investigation into Munir's
death. The activists and Munir's family had
even submitted a list of suggested members
to the police. But none of the names have
been made public.
British
Government admits West Papua 'coerced' into
joining Indonesia
Oxford Papuan Rights Campaign
14th December 2004
PRESS RELEASE
Until yesterday, no major country
has ever admitted that that the people of
West Papua were forced into Indonesia against
their will. Yesterday (13.12.04) at Foreign
Office Questions in the House of Lords something
very significant happened which may one day
be seen as a milestone on the long road to
peace in Papua. West Papuans are welcoming
what they see as a helpful and important step
forward taken by the British Government in
the search for a peaceful and just resolution
to the West Papua conflict. Baroness Symons,
Foreign Office Minister and spokesperson for
the Government on foreign affairs in the House
of Lords, replied to a question from the Bishop
of Oxford, the Rt Revd Richard Harries, a
long time friend of the Papuan people. Baroness
Symons fully agreed with the Bishop's analysis
of what had happened in 1969 when Suharto's
Indonesia went through the motions of consulting
the Papuan people about their choice for the
future - independence or Indonesia: "He[
the Bishop] is right to say that there were
1,000 handpicked representatives and that
they were largely coerced into declaring for
inclusion in Indonesia."
For over 35 years, the people
of West Papua have been trying to tell the
rest of the World that they want independence
from Indonesia. In fact, they have been saying
that they never wanted to be part of Indonesia
in the first place ... and if in 1969 they
had had a proper chance to exercise their
right to self-determination they would have
been able to tell the World just that. Until
now the Papuans' voice has been ignored. In
the world of realpolitik, it has been all
too easy for big powers to ignore a mere million
Melanesians. Thankfully now here in Britain,
the tide appears to be changing.
Next year, the West Papuans'
eastern neighbours in Papua New Guinea will
be celebrating the 30th Anniversary of their
independence from Britain and Australia. However,
on the western side of the straight line colonial
border which arbitrarily divides the Melanesian
people of New Guinea into two halves, the
West Papuans have nothing to celebrate. Their
lot in the 'accident of history' is not to
celebrate but to commemorate --- to try to
keep alive the memory of over 100,000 of their
sons, daughters, mothers and fathers who have
been killed since the Indonesian military
arrived to occupy their land in 1963.
The Papuans trusted that when
their former colonial rulers, the Dutch, promised
that they would be allowed a one-person, one
vote referendum to choose between independence
or Indonesia, that would be exactly what they
would get, especially as the promise was supported
by the USA and guaranteed by the United Nations.
Ever since 1969 the Papuans have been telling
anyone who'll listen that the cruelly-named
"Act of Free Choice" which was supposed
to fulfill their promise of a democratic referendum,
was anything but free. In fact, 1,025 handpicked
Papuans were forced at gun-point to "vote"
100% for incorporation into Suharto's Indonesia,
with the UN and the rest of the World looking
on … but doing nothing. In her reply
to the Bishop of Oxford, Baroness Symons went
on to say: "The question is what should
happen now."
The Papuans of course have the
same question. Their answer is to find a way
forward towards peace, not through confrontation
with Indonesia, but through peaceful all-inclusive
dialogue between Papuan leaders and the Indonesian
Government, supported along the way by the
international community. Papuans are pleading
that violence must never again be seen as
the way to settle the dispute. (Tragically,
violence seems to be the Indonesian military's
method of choice at this very moment in the
Puncak Jaya region of the Papuan highlands.)
Just like the Northern Ireland and Israel/Palestine
conflicts, West Papua desperately needs a
genuine internationally sponsored peace process
… in which the British Government could
play a prominent and very constructive role.
Perhaps in years to come, 13th December 2004
will be remembered by future generations of
West Papuans as a significant date in their
history … in a West Papua at peace and
in which the Papuan people have something
to celebrate at last.END
For more information and links to West Papuan
spokespeople, please contact: Richard Samuelson,
Oxford Papuan Rights Campaign.Tel : + 44 (0)1865
241200
TAPOL
calls for investigation into crackdown in
Puncak Jaya, West Papua
Tapol Statement
December 1, 2004
On 23 November, the leaders
of four church organisations in West Papua
issued a statement drawing attention to serious
human rights violations in
the Central Highlands - Puncak Jaya - in August
and September this year.
Information reaching us suggests that military
operations were undertaken
in this remote area in August, involving the
infamous Kopassus special
operations command. As a result, thousands
of villagers - according to one
source as many as 15,000 people - fled their
homes. The conditions in which
they have been living since leaving their
homes have reportedly led to
widespread disease and a number of deaths.
It is reported that as many as
fifteen people may already have died from
lack of sustenance and lack of
medicine to treat the sick.
When a villager by the name
of Goliat Tahuni attempted to pay a visit
to
his relatives in Monia in the district of
Tingginambut on 17 August, he was
physically attacked and forced to abandon
his attempt to visit the area.
During the course of continuing
military operations in the area, a church
minister, The Reverend Elisa Tahuni, was shot
dead on 14 September amid
claims that he was a member of the armed resistance,
the OPM. It is more
than likely that the killing of Rev Tahuni
was intended to provoke anger
among his congregants, providing the armed
forces with the pretext to step
up their military operations. Over the recent
period, several church
ministers have been targetted.
The leaders of the four churches
condemned the fact that the authorities
have obstructed efforts to investigate these
events by failing to providing
the necessary funds for an investigation team
to visit the area, to
investigate the activities of military forces
and assess the extent of
human rights violations during the past four
months.
To make matters worse, the governor
of the province, J. Salossa, issued an
order on 23 September, barring foreign journalists
from visiting West Papua
'for security reasons'. Although it was subsequently
stated that foreign
journalists were at liberty to apply for permission
to visit the region, a
recent request by two journalists was turned
down.
To further inflame anger among
the population, the governor issued an order
earlier this week banning any attempts to
organise events, such as raising
the Morning Star flag, on 1 December to commemorate
the independence
declaration made in 1961. This was the occasion,
while West Papua was still
a Dutch colony, when Papuan leaders made a
unilateral declaration of
independence, an occasion that has been regularly
marked each year as a
symbolic expression of the aspirations of
the people of West Papua.
TAPOL herewith calls for the
creation of an independent investigation team
to be set up by Komnas HAM, the National Human
Rights Commission, including
trusted representatives from civil society
in West Papua to investigate the
killing of The Rev. Elisa Tahuni and other
reported deaths. The team should
also be authorised to investigate the current
situation in Puncak Jaya, in
particular to investigate the circumstances
that led to thousands of
villages leaving their homes, with a view
to making it possible for them to
return home.
TAPOL calls on President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono to order an immediate
halt to military operations in Puncak Jaya
and to enable a humanitarian
team to visit the region in order to assess
conditions of the villagers and
provide for the necessary sustenance for their
recovery and enable them to
return home to their villages.
CD for West
Papua to be launched in Dublin
CD for sale at Euro10.00 (Terms negotiable
for West Papua groups for re-sale/bulk orders)
via wpaction(a)iol.ie or +353 (0)1 860 3431
or by via PayPal by clicking here:
Where: The Cobblestone, Smithfield
When: 9pm, Saturday, 27th November
What: Launch party of CD for West Papua Action
An CD of contemporary, traditional
Irish, blues, French, Spanish, Breton, and
English folk mostly recorded live at An Cliabhán
Folk Club, will be launched at the Cobblestone,
Smithfield at 9.00pm on Saturday 27th November.
An exciting mix of up-and-coming and more
established talent - playing, the CD will
make an excellent Christmas gift! The 15-track
CD costs €10. All proceeds go to West
Papua Action. To order copies, email wpaction@iol.ie
or telephone 01 860 3431.
Featured artists will play at
the launch night. All welcome!
Contributors:
1. Dermot Byrne - O Reilly
2. Graham Watson and Dave Murphy - The Demon
Lover
3. Caroline Moreau with Oleg Ponomarev, Fintan
Gilligan and Drajan Derek - La Foule
4. Gwenn Frin, Olivier Longuet and Brian Fleming
-
Ridee Six Temps
5. Rosa de los Reyes - Todo es de Color
6. Peter Browne, Shane McGowan and John Joe
Kelly -
The Hill 60 Reels
7. Colm O Snodaigh - An Ghealach ar mo Thoir
8. Eamonn de Barra, Mick Broderick and Neil
Lyons -
The Peelers Jacket, Flood on the Road to Glenties,
The
Callan Lassies
9. Jean-Philippe - La Vie en Rose
10. Sean Molloy - Deep Rain
11. Liam O Donohoe and Chanda Rule with Peter
Browne,
Daragh O Laoire and Conor Murray - Lord Don't
Let Me
Fail
12. Claire and Emer Hanley and Alan Hughes
- The Road
Trip Set
13. Joe Brennan - Sanctuary
14. Alison O Donnell - The Blackcap
15. Desmond Cahalan, Eoin Dillon and Frank
Tate
West Papua
Action AGM
West Papua Action's Annual General Meeting
will take place in Dublin from 2.00pm to 5pm
on Saturday 27th November in the Central Hotel,
Exchequer Street, Dublin 1. All members and
intending members welcome! Tel. 01 860 3431.
Indonesia Puts Travel
Ban on Journalists
Washington Post
Thursday, November 11, 2004; Page A38
Ellen Nakashima and Noor Huda Ismail
Jakarta, Indonesia, Nov. 10
-- The Indonesian government has quietly imposed
a
ban on foreign journalists traveling to provinces
it fears could be at risk of
breaking away, as well as to several other
areas that have been conflict zones
in the past, officials said.
The new policy, never announced,
was agreed upon on Sept. 23 by a committee
of
police, military, intelligence, immigration
and other officials because
of "unstable" security conditions,
said Irzani Ratni, a Foreign Ministry
official on the panel.
The restrictions apply to Papua
and Aceh, two far-flung provinces that are
home
to separatist rebels, Foreign Ministry officials
said. Also subject to
restrictions are the provinces of Maluku and
North Maluku and the towns of
Sampit, Poso and Palu.
The policy apparently conflicts
with a pledge of openness by the newly
inaugurated president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
On Sept. 20, Yudhoyono won the
country's first direct presidential election
and promised to pursue democratic
reforms.
The restrictions were imposed
during the transition between administrations,
and Yudhoyono and other senior officials,
including the government security
minister, apparently were unaware of the change,
officials said. Irzani said
the restrictions were temporary but could
not say when they would be lifted.
No foreign reporters have been
given access to the banned areas since
September, officials said.
Irzani said officials were concerned
about the "possible infiltration of
foreigners" into conflict zones. "Sometimes
journalists come disguised as
humanitarian workers, but in fact they talk
to activists who would not hesitate
to sell out their own country," she said.
Anti-military
demonstration in West Papua
Tempo Interactive - October
30, 2004
Cunding Levi and Lita Oetomo,
Jayapura - Thousands of demonstrators from
the Papua People's Anti-Militarism Front (Front
Rakyat Papua Anti Militerisme, FRPAM) led
by Jefrison A. Pagawak demonstrated again
on Friday October 29. This time, the public
demonstration which was joined by students
from the mountain areas of Central Papua was
held on the grounds of the offices of the
Papuan governor in the provincial capital
of Jayapura a day after a demonstration was
held at the offices of the Papuan provincial
parliament, also in Jayapura.
The demonstrators wanted to
meet with the governor, J.P. Solossa, to ask
him to immediately dismiss Elieser Renmaur,
the regent of Puncak Jaya, from his post.
This is because according to the commander
of the Trikora/XVII military command, Major-General
Nurdin Zainal, who they met with at the provincial
parliament on Thursday October 28, it was
the regent who had asked the TNI (armed forces)
to deploy
troops in the Puncak Jaya regency. They said
that presence of large number of troops in
the area would result in [more] civilian casualties.
The Trikora military commander
said this request was made in a letter he
received from the Puncak Jaya regent which
had been endorsed by the local council. "We
also want the Mulia case to be investigated
as quickly as possible and the formation of
an independent team to investigate the affair",
said Pagawak who is the chairperson of FRPAM.
As a result of the lateness
of the Papua provincial council in meeting
with the demonstrators they became emotional
and it was apparent that the situation was
becoming heated and slightly out of control.
As a consequence, scores of security personnel
from the local police formed a barrier at
the entrance to the governor's offices and
appeared to be at a high state of readiness.
In the end however, one of the demonstrators
was able to reduce the level of tension and
calm was restored after the deputy-governor
Constant Karma and the chairperson of the
provincial parliament John Ibo met with them.
During the meeting Ibo agreed to form an independent
team to investigate the Mulia case which resulted
in the death of a number of civilians, one
of which was a priest named Elisa Tabuni.
He also agreed to follow up the protesters'
demands that regent of Puncak Jaya be removed
from his post.
Karma said that for the record
they would study and reexamine the letter
requesting the deployment of troops which
was referred to earlier by the demonstrators.
"We are therefore planning that on Tuesday
November 2 all council members will hold a
meeting to discuss the issue of what happened
in Mulia in the Puncak Jaya regency",
said Karma before the crowd who were visibly
wet because of a heavy downpour.
After listening to the statements
by Ibo and Karma the demonstrators held prayers
and agreed to return peacefully to their homes.
A day before the demonstrators
met with Zainal at in the offices of the provincial
parliament. Coming out of the meeting which
lasted several hours, was an agreement to
form an independent investigative team to
uncover the truth behind the Mulia case.
Led by Pagawak, the demonstrators
on Thursday came in larger numbers than on
Wednesday October 27 and arrived at the provincial
parliament at exactly 11am. Also present among
the demonstrators was a public figure and
intellectual from the central mountains, Father
Socrates Sofyan Yoman.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Papua,
Integrity and Susilo's Presidency
Agus Sumule, Manokwari, Papua
The Jakarta Post
October 26, 2004
Opinion
The downfall of former president
Soeharto on May 21, 1998, undoubtedly fueled
the widespread revival of free speech among
the people -- including Papuans
-- in determining their own future. And as
the reform movement, or reformasi,
swept across the archipelago, it revealed
itself in Papua with the indigenous
people of the province demanding merdeka --
or simply "M" among locals --
meaning separation from Indonesia.
Many reasons lie behind this
demand, but they can basically be grouped
into
three main categories.
First of all are those factors
related to human rights violations. Issues
included under this category are extrajudicial
executions, disappearances,
torture and arbitrary detention of civilians,
as well as disrespect of the
government and the private sector for the
indigenous people's customary
rights to natural resources.
Second, are factors related
to Papua's political history. Many Papuans
believe that they have not been given a fair
chance to determine their own
future.
They claim that the New York Agreement drawn
up in 1962 under the auspices of
the United Nations to end the dispute between
Indonesia and the Dutch over
Netherlands New Guinea -- the former name
for Papua -- was done without
consulting the Papuan people and without their
consent.
Third, are factors related to
the unfair distribution of wealth and social
services. Papua is one of the most wealthy
provinces of Indonesia due to its
natural resources: minerals, oil and gas,
forest products and fish. Yet,
these resources are continually tapped for
the benefit of others. Furthermore, the
Papuans' efforts to claim their rights have
met repeatedly with stern
military/police actions.
Fourth, at the micro level is
the economic discrepancy that has already
caused social jealousy and is manifested in
the marginalization of the
indigenous people in their positions and role
in the modern economy.
As a result, many indigenous
Papuans came to believe that 35 years was
long
enough a time to measure Indonesia's seriousness
in improving the Papuan
people's welfare through equal treatment.
Facing the increasing demand
for a self-determination ballot or an
independence referendum, the People's Consultative
Assembly, the highest
law-making body in the country, reached a
consensus to give Papua the authority to deal
with its own affairs under special autonomy,
stipulated in Assembly Decree No.
4/1999.
Despite their skepticism, the
Papuan people accepted the special autonomy
as
a means to resolve the issue.
In its implementation, however,
Jakarta again deceived the Papuan people with
its reluctance to fully enforce Law No. 21/2001
on special autonomy for
Papua, a new legislation endorsed by the government
and the House of
Representatives.
Fearing that special autonomy
would be used as a political vehicle to promote
Papuan independence, former president Megawati
Soekarnoputri delayed the
establishment of the Papuan Consultative Assembly
(MRP) and the issuance of
necessary government regulations to enforce
the law. Worse, Megawati issued
the controversial Presidential Instruction
No. 1/2003 to enforce Law No.
45/1999 on the division of Papua into three
provinces for security, political and
economical interests.
The Papuan people knew that
then-chief security minister Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono disagreed with Jakarta's betrayal
of the national consensus on
Papua. Consequently, the majority of Papuans
voted for Susilo-Kalla in the
presidential election upon the single hope
that he would implement the Special Autonomy
Law on Papua and resolve the issue.
The question remains as to why
the Papuans preferred a retired army general
than Megawati, even though many of them had
suffered under the heavy military
presence in the province since 1963. Furthermore,
how should Susilo and his
administration respond to their trust and
mandate?
Susilo was viewed by many Papuans
as the only other minister in Megawati's
Cabinet besides foreign minister Hassan Wirayuda
who was consistent in
maintaining that special autonomy was the
solution to the Papua issue.
Obviously, Papuans gave their
mandate to Susilo for one reason: he was
perceived as the leader most likely to keep
the government's promises under
the Special Autonomy Law on Papua.
He thus has no option but to
fulfill this promise during his presidency.
First, it is imperative that
Susilo immediately pledge his intention to
implement special autonomy in Papua fully,
and use the law as the basis for
his policies on the province.
Second, Susilo needs to set
up a capable institution to assist him in
managing the complex problems of Papua. This
institution should be manned by
individuals he trusts -- and equally important,
these individuals must also
be accepted by Papuans.
Third, a government regulation
on the MRP should be issued within the first
100 days of the Susilo administration. The
draft regulation was submitted in
July 2002 by the provincial legislature and
should have been approved by
August of that year, as stipulated in Article
72 of the Special Autonomy Law on
Papua.
Fourth, the controversial Presidential
Instruction should be reviewed. Even
without a specific presidential instruction,
the division of Papua into three
provinces will eventually take place as anticipated
in Article 76 of the
Special Autonomy Law.
As such, the Susilo administration
needs to issue the regulation on MRP, and
the province will be divided into three as
stipulated.
Supremacy of law should be the
key principle of the Susilo administration
in
dealing with the division of Papua. The so-called
"political reality" of
Western Papua province, created by a mere
presidential instruction, should
be dealt with by using the Special Autonomy
Law.
Fifth, the government must engage
in a series of constructive dialog with
different circles in Papuan society.
Finally, it is crucial that
the government and the Papuan people begin
preparations for a new era under a fully implemented
special autonomy.
It is no exaggeration to say
that special autonomy is the only remaining
option for Indonesia to maintain Papua, peacefully
and constitutionally, as
an integral part of the country. If the Papuan
people's trust erodes further
due to
the inconsistency and inability
of the new administration -- including the
local government -- to deliver the promises
made under the Special Autonomy
Law, the national integrity inclusive of Papua
will come under tremendous threat.
If the Susilo administration
is serious about the implementation of special
autonomy in Papua, and the Papuan government
and people fulfill their
responsibilities, we will witness a significant
improvement in the
socio-political situation in Papua from 2004
to 2009. On the other hand, if special
autonomy fails to be applied during Susilo's
term, Indonesia's nightmare of losing Papua
will very likely come true.
The writer is a researcher at
Cenderawasih University in Manokwari, Papua,
and is a member of the Task Force for Papua's
Special Autonomy. He can be reached at agussumule(a)yahoo.com.
Prospects for peace
in Papua
Jakarta post.com October
21, 2004
Paul Barber, London
It is not yet clear whether
the election of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as
president of Indonesia is a positive development
for West Papua and whether
he will bring peace and stability to the restive
territory any closer.
The signals are ambiguous and
we simply do not know what policies the new
president will pursue when in office.
Susilo was the preferred candidate
of many Papuans. He was regarded as the
more competent and wiser leader who in the
past has supported dialogue as a
means of resolving the West Papua conflict
and made encouraging statements
about reforming the military.
However, his attraction may
have been more a reflection of Megawati's
inadequacies than his own merits. Megawati
was a largely ineffectual leader,
an ultra-nationalist who relied on military
solutions to political problems
and left West Papua in a state of chaos through
her attempt to divide the
territory into three provinces in contravention
of a law on special
autonomy.
On the other hand, Susilo is
a military man who retains a team of retired
military officers from the Soeharto era as
advisers. His reformist
credentials are questionable given his support
for the military's
territorial command structure, which provides
it with a means of control and
political influence at the provincial and
local level. This is highly
significant in the context of Indonesia's
current devolution of power from
Jakarta to the regions.
It should also be remembered
that Susilo, while an apparent supporter of
dialogue, did little to resolve the West Papua
conflict when in the
influential position of security minister
under presidents Wahid and
Megawati, despite some early progress under
Wahid.
Furthermore, although his hand
may have been forced by hard-line military
leaders, Susilo was the government minister
responsible for declaring and
coordinating martial law in Aceh in 2003/2004.
Unfortunately, policy debate
on West Papua and Aceh was notable by its
absence from the election campaign so we are
none the wiser about what
approach Susilo might adopt.
One point that needs to be made
very strongly is that although the
Indonesian national elections were proclaimed
as peaceful, free and fair,
West Papua and Aceh continue to suffer from
huge democratic deficits. Local
political parties are forbidden and people
are still thrown into jail for
exercising their right to express their support
for self-determination and
independence.
There can be no meaningful progress
towards democracy as long as human
rights remain unprotected, the rule of law
does not function properly and
military personnel enjoy impunity for gross
violations.
One of Susilo's first tasks
should be to attempt the peaceful resolution
of
the West Papua conflict. At all times he should
ensure that human rights and
an understanding of the specific grievances
of the West Papuan people remain
at the center of his policy making. He should
concentrate on three key
issues.
Firstly, the political status
of West Papua. He must resolve the crisis
caused by Megawati's divisive three-way split
policy and her failure to
establish a Papuan People's Assembly as required
by the special autonomy
law. He must also remember that special autonomy
falls far short of the
self-determination desired by the overwhelming
majority of Papuans since the
fraudulent 'Act of Free Choice' in 1969.
His response should be to institute
a process of peaceful dialogue with West
Papuan representatives to consider all options
for the future of the
territory.
Secondly, he must address the
need for demilitarization of West Papua. The
continuing military operations in West Papua
and the activities of
pro-Jakarta militias are inimical to the peaceful
resolution of the conflict
and the establishment of democracy. He should
end all military operations,
start a process of demilitarization and halt
all militia activities. He
should also respect the proposal of the West
Papuan people for West Papua to
be made a 'Land of Peace'.
The recent announcement that
the military would lose its role in protecting
vital assets, such as the Freeport mine and
BP Tangguh project, was
encouraging. Susilo should ensure that this
decision is implemented without
delay.
Thirdly, he must take immediate
steps to improve the human rights situation.
He should press for credible investigations
and prosecutions, according to
international standards, of all serious crimes
committed in West Papua since
its occupation by Indonesia in 1963.
In particular he should respond
to the findings of the National Commission
