NB:
For daily updates, on the web or in your
inbox, also digests, click on:
West
Papua News
WEST PAPUA FORUM:
Portobello Hotel, Richmond St., Dublin
2
8.00pm, Sept 4:
All welcome!!!
Tel. 01 860 3431
For
other news on this page, click here
ARRESTS AT NETHERLANDS
EMBASSY, DUBLIN

Pictured in front of Netherlands
embassy, Dublin, being brought to custody
after having been arrested 15 August 2002,
left to right in white teeshirts saying
"West Papua betrayed": Mark Doris, Treena
Lenthall, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington.
Also arrested: Ciaron O'Reilly. Photo:
Brian Meade. [this photo was published
in The Irish Times, 16 August]

Left to right in white:
Mark Doris, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington.
Verraad = Betrayal. The banner also has
the dates 1962 and 2002. August 15th was
the 40th anniversary of the New York Agreement
between Indonesia and the Netherlands.
Photo: Brian Meade.
NewsTalk 106, Irish Times,
Irish Examiner, The Star, The Irish News,
Raidio na Gaeltachta covered the protest.
The Irish Examiner, 16
August 2002
Four arrested in embassy
sit-down
by Cormac O'Keefe
GARDAÍ arrested four
human rights protestors yesterday after
they staged a sit-down inside the Dutch
Embassy in Dublin.
The four, members of West
Papua Action, were protesting against
the country's record towards its former
colonial territory on the 40th anniversary
of a controversial agreement signed by
The Netherlands, Indonesia and the UN
on August 15, 1962. The group says the
Dutch Government failed to protect the
West Papua people by ignoring what they
claim was a rigged Indonesian poll on
independence for the natives.
A spokesman for the group
said three members, co-ordinator Mark
Doris, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington and
Treena Lenthall, entered the embassy reception
on Merrion Road, Ballsbridge, at about
11.30am. They told the receptionist they
had a letter for the ambassador and asked
to see him.
On hearing he wasn't there,
they sat down, displaying T-shirts reading,
West Papua betrayed - with the word VERRAAD,
meaning betrayed in Dutch, and the dates
1962 and 2002.
The protestors asked an
official to send the letter to the foreign
minister with a covering letter stating
he had received it. When he said he could
not do this, the group refused to go.
The ambassador then arrived
with gardaí, who arrested the four.
Mr Doris was taken to Donnybrook Station
while Ms Sheehy Skeffington and Ms Lenthall
and Ciaron O'Reilly, who was arrested
outside the embassy, were taken to Irishtown
Station. They were released pending further
investigations.
A spokesman said: "Forty
years of inaction by the Netherlands Government
has driven our group to this sit-down
protest. We would still hope the Netherlands
Government would play an active and constructive
role towards a solution for West Papua."
The 1962 agreement, signed
in New York, allowed Indonesia take over
West Papua from its colonial ruler, so
long as an "act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice"
took place within six years. An estimated
30,000 West Papuans died at the hands
of the Indonesians between 1962-69. Around
70,000 have died since.
The Star, Friday, August
16, 2002
GROUP’S SIT DOWN VIGIL
[Photo caption: PROTEST:
A man is arrested yesterday]
Four members of the West
Papua Action group were arrested yesterday
when they entered the Dutch Embassy in
Dublin and staged a peaceful sit down
vigil. The vigil was an attempt to highlight
the 40th anniversary of the agreement
the Dutch signed with Indonesia over the
self-governance of West Papua. Mark Doris,
one of the four arrested, said the people
of West Papua need a European power behind
them to “help their cause” but getting
the Dutch involved is like “nailing jelly
to a wall".
The Irish News, 16 August
2002
4 arrested in Papua protest
FOUR people were arrested in Dublin yesterday
as they handed over a letter to the Dutch
ambassador. The four, from West Papua
Action, were protesting against human
rights violations in West Papua. They
were released without charges but are
likely to appear in court at a later date.
The Irish Times, 16 August, 2002
Page 4: colour photo with caption: "Mark
Doris of West Papua Action being led away
by police after being arrested during
a sitdown protest in the Dutch embassy
yesterday. The group was protesting at
the Netherland's failure to call for self-determination
for its former colony of West Papua. Photograph:
Brian Meade"
PRESS STATEMENT
15 August 2002
Activists Arrested after Call on Netherlands
Government
to call publicly for Act of Self-determination
in West Papua
Irish activists today called
on the Netherlands government to call
publicly as a matter of urgency for a
proper act of self-determination in accordance
with international practice in West Papua
as agreed by the Netherlands at UN headquarters
40 years ago today.
The activists called on
the Netherlands Ambassador to Ireland
to convey to his government this demand
at the Netherlands embassy today, where
a vigil and protest occurred. The Ambassador
felt he couldn't accede to a request that
a cover letter with a copy of a letter
to the Ambassador (see below) be sent
to the Netherlands government, with a
copy to the activists before leaving.
After a peaceful sit down protest, Micheline
Sheehy Skeffington, Treena Lenthall, Ciaron
O'Reilly and Mark Doris were arrested
and brought into police custody - later
to be released.
The Netherlands signed the
New York Agreement with Indonesia at United
Nations Headquarters on 15 August 2002.
The peaceful protestors
wore tee-shirts saying West Papua
betrayed. A large banner displayed
VERRAAD! which means BETRAYED! in Dutch
with the dates 1962 and 2002.
In a letter to the Ambassador,
West Papua Action coordinator, Mark Doris,
said:
As your government
fully knows, Article XVIII of the Agreement,
paragraph (d), had the following words:
The eligibility of all adults,
male and female, not foreign nationals,
to participate in the act of act of self-determination
to be carried out in accordance with international
practice
As your government fully
knows, an estimated 30,000 deaths occurred
in West Papua from 1963 to 1969, underscoring
how the rights, including the rights
of free speech, freedom of movement and
of assembly of the inhabitants were
not fully guaranteed as per
Article XXII of the Agreement your government
signed 40 years ago today. Your government
also knows how just 1,022 hand-picked
people voted in public to declare their
loyalty to Indonesia in 1969: this was
the extent of the act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice.
Your government did not
protest.
West Papua (formerly called
Irian Jaya, now Papua,
by Indonesia) was taken over by Indonesia
in 1963, after a brief period of UN administration.
The Netherlands departed West Papua on
October 1st 1962. An estimated 100,000
people have died in West Papua since 1963.
For more information, contact:
Mark Doris, 087 2969742. 01 860 3431.
Note: Letter to Ambassador
below
ENDS
West Papua Action
134 Phibsborough Road
Dublin 7
Ireland
Tel. *353 1 860 3431 / 882 7581
Fax. *353 1 882 7576
Mobile. *353 87 2969742
Email. wpaction@iol.ie
http://westpapuaaction.buz.org
++++++++++++++++++++++++
for human rights in West Papua
including the right to self-determination
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
The Ambassador
Royal Netherlands Embassy
160 Merrion Road
Ballsbridge
Dublin 4
August 15, 2002.
Re: 40 years of silence
on West Papua
Dear Ambassador,
We are here today to commemorate
the history of silence of your government
and its betrayal of the West Papuan people,
in particular since your government signed
the New York Agreement 40 years ago today
at United Nations Headquarters with the
Indonesian government.
As your government fully
knows, Article XVIII of the Agreement,
paragraph (d), had the following words:
The eligibility of all adults,
male and female, not foreign nationals,
to participate in the act of act of self-determination
to be carried out in accordance with international
practice
As your government fully
knows, an estimated 30,000 deaths occurred
in West Papua from 1963 to 1969, underscoring
how the rights, including the rights
of free speech, freedom of movement and
of assembly of the inhabitants were
not fully guaranteed as per
Article XXII of the Agreement your government
signed 40 years ago today. Your government
also knows how just 1,022 hand-picked
people voted in public to declare their
loyalty to Indonesia in 1969: this was
the extent of the act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice.
Your government did not
protest.
The conspiracy of silence
from your government has spoken louder
than any words.
It is in the power of your
government however to begin to redress
this shameful history of silence and betrayal.
Your government could for
instance:
1. call publicly for a dialogue,
mediated by a third party, between West
Papuans and Indonesia;
2. support international
calls on UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
for the UN to review its role in the 1969
Act of Free Choice;
3. make a public statement
on whether or not an act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice
took place in 1969;
4. call on Indonesia to
invite competent UN authorities to visit
West Papua to investigate the human rights
abuses which have been occurring there
since 1962;
5. call for the immediate
withdrawal of all combat troops from West
Papua;
6. call publicly as a matter
of urgency for a proper act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice
in West Papua as your government agreed
to at the UN 40 years ago today.
Your government fully knows
that Chakravarthy Narasimhan, former UN
Undersecretary General has said the so-called
Act of Free Choice
was a whitewash. Your government
does not have to wait for any further
research in your country or elsewhere
to confirm what is obvious: the Act
of Free Choice was a
sham.
The question of West Papua
will not go away. In fact, there is growing
concern here in Ireland and internationally
for the people of West Papua.
The Netherlands government
can choose to take an honorable part in
the history of West Papua, which may go
some way to redressing the injustice suffered
by West Papuans over the past 40 years.
Yours faithfully,
.
Mark Doris,
Coordinator.
Irish Times Website Breaking
News 15 August 2002
Four arrested at protest outside Dutch
embassy
Last updated: 15-08-02, 17:44
Four members of a group
campaigning for independence for West
Papua were arrested during a protest at
the Dutch Embassy in Dublin this afternoon.
They were taken to Donnybrook
and Irishtown Garda Stations. All have
been released without charge although
summonses may be issued later.
The protest was to commemorate
the fortieth anniversary of the New York
Agreement which ceded Dutch control of
the former colony to Indonesia.
West Papuans right
to self-determination was stipulated in
this accord and a referendum on independence
was promised by 1969.
This never happened and
todays protest was against the Dutch
Governments refusal to raise this
issue with Indonesia, said Mr Mark Doris,
spokesman for West Papua Actions
Irish branch.
Mr Doris, who was one of
those who was arrested, said 100,000 people
have died in the region as a result of
their struggle for independence.
He said "a small number
of people" had attended todays
peaceful protest at the Dutch embassy
on Merrion Road.
Also arrested were Ms Treena
Lenthall; Ms Micheline Sheehy-Skeffington
and Mr Ciaron ORielly.
© 2002 ireland.com
Laksamana.net
Irish Arrested Over Papua Protest
August 18, 2002 01:52 PM
Laksamana.Net - Four people
have been arrested in Ireland for
participating in a protest outside the
Dutch Embassy in Dublin to demand
Indonesia's Papua province be allowed
to hold an independence
referendum.
The Irish Times Online said
the protesters were detained Thursday
(15/8/02) afternoon and later released
without charge, although
summonses may be issued later.
The protest commemorated
the 40th anniversary of the so-called
New York
Agreement which ceded Dutch control of
the former colony to the United
Nations and then to Indonesia.
Under the terms of the agreement
of August 15, 1962, between the
Netherlands and Indonesia, Dutch New Guinea
(West Papua) was transferred
to the United Nations and then ceded to
Indonesia in 1963, with the
proviso that an 'Act of Free Choice' be
held in 1969 to be determine
whether the territory would join Indonesia
or become independent.
But a referendum on independence
was never held. Instead, Indonesian
officials selected 1,026 tribal representatives
and coerced them to
choose to join Indonesia.
Pro-independence groups
say the people of Papua were cheated and
must be
allowed to hold an act of self-determination.
Thursday's protest in Dublin
was against the Dutch government's refusal
to raise the referendum issue with Indonesia,
Mark Doris, spokesman for
West Papua Action's Irish branch, was
quoted as saying by The Irish
Times.
Doris, who was among those
arrested, said 100,000 people have died
in
the region as a result of their struggle
for independence.
Indonesia has ruled out
an independence referendum for Papua and
has
instead promised the province a greater
share of the profits from its
vast natural resources.
The Irish Times, August
15
Embassy vigil for Irian
Jaya
DUBLIN - An hour-long protest
vigil outside the Netherlands embassy
is planned today to mark the 40th anniversary
of the New York Agreement concerning the
disputed Indonesian territory of Papua
(formerly Irian Jaya). It is known to
separatists as West Papua, writes David
Shanks.
The protesters say the Netherlands
agreed in 1962 that an "act of self-determination
in accordance with international practice"
would take place within six years in West
Papua. "It never happened
It
is time for the Netherlands to call publicly
as a matter of urgency for a proper act
of self-determination in West Papua in
accordance with international practice
as they agreed at the UN 40 years ago
on August 15th, 1962," said Mr Mark
Doris of West Papua Action. The protest
is at 1 p.m. at the embassy at 160 Merrion
Road.
Vigil at Netherlands Embassy,
1.00pm - 2.00pm Thursday August 15th
There will be a vigil outside
the Netherlands Embassy from 1.00pm to
2.00pm (please note time) on 15 August
2002, the 40th anniversary of the New
York Agreement concerning West Papua.
The Netherlands Embassy is located at
160 Merrion Road, Ballsbridge, Dublin
4.
The Netherlands signed an Agreement at
United Nations Headquarters in New York
with the Indonesian Government (the West
Papuans weren't involved in the Agreement),
where they agreed, inter alia, that an
"act of self-determinaton in accordance
with international practice" would
take place within six years in West Papua.
It never happened. The Netherlands government
did nothing, and continue to remain silent,
40 years later.
It is time for the Netherlands to call
publicly as a matter of urgency for a
proper act of self-determination in West
Papua in accordance with international
practice as they agreed to at the UN 40
years ago on August 15, 1962.
The West Papuan people continue to suffer
the consequences of silence with at least
100,000 deaths at the hands of the Indonesian
military since 1963.
West Papua, north of Australia,
was taken over by Indonesia in 1963.
For more information: contact
Mark Doris 087 2969742 or 01 860 3431.
*SIGN
ONLINE PETITION TO KOFI ANNAN*
Online Papua Discussion:
"The Conflict Prevention Initiative
(CPI) at the Harvard Program on Humanitarian
Policy and Conflict Research and the Center
for Security and Peace Studies(CSPS) at
the University of Gadjah Mada are pleased
to invite you to participate in an exciting
online forum discussion on peace and development
in Papua. The E-forum will be hosted on
the CPI Indonesia web portal at:
http://www.preventconflict.org/portal/discussion/
from June 24 to July 5, 2002."
Click
Here for Report and Pictures from International
Campaign Launch in Dublin
**************
Song
inspired by Papuan leader released
Human Music Australia and John Gordon
have released a new song "Theys Goodbye"
which can be downloaded free from their
site. The song is about 3 minutes and
is inspired by the memory of Theys Eluay.
More information about the song, and to
download: http://humanmusic.cjb.net
OUT NOW!
New Internationalist special edition on
West Papua:
the economic, political and social
challenges it's leaders face in their
struggle for independence.
Special price copies available
from West Papua Action.
***************
ON THIS PAGE BELOW:
Jakarta to outlaw
Papuan activists (August 29)
Behind the New York Agreement on West
Papua
To
West Papua's Victor, the Spoils
New Report
on Human Rights Conditions in Freeport
Area
Delay
expected for Theys' murder trial (July
27)
Extract
from EC Conflict Prevention Mission Report
Letter
to New York Times (July 22)
Indonesian
Army Pillaging, Beating and Raping Women
in West Papua (July 21)
Should
the US Resume Military Ties?
Papua Leaders Take Independence
Campaign Outside
Indonesia (July 5)
URGENT
ACTION (JULY 1)
Respected Highland Leader
Poisoned: Indonesian military suspected
The
Future Could Be Genocide: Report/Analysis
(10 June)
When Indonesia's
unity is no longer voluntary (11 June)
Indonesian military steps up repression
in West Papua (8 June)
*******************
Jakarta
to outlaw Papuan activists
By Don Greenlees, Jakarta correspondent,
The Australian
29 August 2002
INDONESIAN police have drawn
up plans to outlaw the main Papuan independence
organisation in a crackdown on separatism
aimed at preventing Papua from becoming
a "second East Timor".
Minutes of internal police
meetings and documents obtained by The
Australian, reveal a strategy to put the
Papuan Presidium, the leading civilian
proponent of an independent Papua, out
of business, possibly by arresting and
prosecuting its leaders.
The 60-day operation, known
as Adil Matoa, began this month with the
aim of identifying separatists or separatist
organisations, arresting and prosecuting
individuals "committing treason or
attacks against the state" and shutting
down organisations conducting separatist
activities.
According to the minutes
of a three-hour meeting on July 5, attended
by 16 high-ranking officers of the Papua
provincial police, the operation would
seek to prosecute Presidium members "according
to the law (by obtaining) clear evidence
that their activities are towards the
illegal separation of Papua from Indonesia".
It warns that police need
to take action to stop Papua becoming
another East Timor.
The moves to set up surveillance
against Papuan political activists and
pave the way for prosecutions come amid
heightened determination in Jakarta to
prevent separatist movements around the
country building momentum for their causes.
Analysis by the armed forces
intelligence agency has played down the
risks posed by the ill-equipped, poorly
co-ordinated and relatively inactive armed
wing of the Papuan resistance. But according
to sources, armed forces intelligence
is concerned about the potential for the
political wing to build support, particularly
overseas.
There are fears that foreign
lobbying activities could help change
sentiment in countries such as the US
and Australia, where governments support
continued Indonesian rule based on Jakarta
offering local autonomous rule.
Exerting pressure on the
civilian political movement is seen as
the most effective way of containing the
growth of pro-independence activity. An
order signed by the Papuan police chief,
Made Pastika, on July 17, initiating the
operation, states that activities to combat
Papuan separatists are to be carried out
within the province, elsewhere in Indonesia
and abroad.
In this document, targets
of the operation are cited as "suspected
civilians and community organisations
that have a vision and mission oriented
towards the separation of Papua from the
Indonesian republic and endangering the
unity of the nation by violating national
law".
It also cites civilians
and community organisations that "object
to government policy using the cover of
violation of human rights (and) violation
of indigenous rights" and conduct
activities that can "undermine the
dignity of the government and state".
Fearing the operation will
trigger a round-up of civilian political
and human rights activists, a national
human rights group wrote to the police
chief accusing the police of trying to
turn legitimate human rights work into
"a cheap issue to clamp down on innocent
people".
The letter by the Commission
for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence
(Kontras) warns the operation will only
lead to a repeat of the "crimes against
humanity committed in the past, for which
the state was never held accountable".
A written reply from police
headquarters in Jakarta maintains there
is a "strong reason" to run
operation Adil Matoa because there is
evidence "suspected individuals and
community organisations have a mission
(and) tried to build public opinion domestically
and abroad to unify their vision for an
independent Papua".
"We hope that those
illegal organisations will disband out
of their own conscience," the letter
states, in what activists regard as a
reference to the Papuan Presidium.
The
Jakarta Post
Print Edition: Page 7
Friday, August 23, 2002
Behind the New York Agreement
on West Papua
John Saltford
Alumni, Department of Political and Asian
Studies
University of Hull United Kingdom
johnsaltford@hotmail.com
The opinion piece by the
Dupito Simamora, an Indonesian diplomat
to the United Nations, on revisiting the
1962 New York Agreement (The Jakarta Post,
Aug. 19) was very interesting. I also
fully agree with him that it is time to
review the issue in a comprehensive
and objective manner.
However, to assist with
the process of this objective review one
needs to look at what the New York Agreement
actually guaranteed. One can then compare
this with what took place and so come
to a conclusion as to whether it was such
a success story for the UN. Or, as others
claim, was the agreements implementation
just a crudely manipulated stunt that
fundamentally ignored the rights guaranteed
to the West Papuans by the UN, Indonesia
and the Netherlands?
The first point is that
there are arguments on both sides of the
debate over whether West Papua should
have gone to Indonesia in 1949. However,
in a sense these arguments are irrelevant
because the UN-brokered New York Agreement,
signed by Indonesia and the Netherlands,
guaranteed the West Papuan people the
right to self-determination, i.e. it was
for them, and no one else, to decide whether
they were Indonesian or an independent
state.
Under Article 2 of the
Agreement, the Dutch handed over West
Papua to a temporary UN authority (UNTEA)
on Oct. 1, 1962. After seven months the
UN then transferred control to Jakarta
prior to any act of self-determination.
On the UNs record
during its seven-month administration
of West Papua (Oct. 1, 1962-May 1, 1963),
perhaps a couple of comments from the
UN officials who were actually there will
suffice. The first was made in a confidential
letter by the UNTEA Divisional Commissioner
for Merauke in December 1962 :
If the date (of our
departure) is advanced or if the Agreement
is changed doing away with a plebiscite,
I do not expect widespread disturbances
because we have sufficient forces to control
the situation a whiff of grapeshot
can easily control the situation if that
is what UNTEA wants.
The second remark was by
the Merauke Commissioners colleague
in charge of Biak :
I have yet to meet
any thinking, sober, generally responsible
Papuan who sees any good in the coming
link with Indonesia
. Unwelcome as
the anxiety and resistance of thinking
Papuans maybe it is of course hardly surprising
if one is not under pressure to close
ones eyes to what is in fact happening
to this people at the hands of the three
parties to the Agreement.
Whatever one makes of these
comments, they hardly describe a situation
that todays UN would want to use
as a model for future operations.
But returning to the New
York Agreement, if ones is to pass judgement
on its implementation, it is necessary
to consider four key articles.
Under Article 16, a number
of UN experts were to remain in the territory
following the transfer of administrative
responsibility to Indonesia. Their primary
task was to advise and assist the Indonesians
in their preparations for Papuan self-determination
that was to take place before the end
of 1969. But these experts were never
deployed because Indonesia objected.
Under Article 22, the UN
and Indonesia had to guarantee fully the
rights, including the rights of free speech,
freedom of movement and of assembly of
the Papuans.
These rights were not upheld,
even during the UN administration, and
with no UN staff in the territory once
Jakarta took over, Indonesia was free
to act as it pleased. The official 1969
UN report actually admits that the article
had not been fully implemented adding
the (Indonesian) Administration
exercised at all times a tight political
control over the population.
Under Article 17, one year
prior to selfl-determination, the Secretary-General
was to appoint a representative who would
lead a team of UN officials, including
those already stationed in the territory.
Their task was to continue and build on
the work outlined in Article 16 and remain
until the act of self-determination was
complete.
A Bolivian diplomat, Ortiz
Sanz, was appointed but, as he made clear
in his official report, the non-implementation
of Article 16 meant that there was no
experienced UN staff in the territory
for him to lead. Instead he had to make
do with a newly arrived team of 16 who
were supposes to assist and observe an
act of self-determination in a vast territory
covering 160,150 square miles.
Under Article 18, all adult
Papuans had the right to participate in
an act of self-determination to be carried
out in accordance with international practice.
This central tenet of the
agreement was never implemented. The UN
effectively stood by as Indonesia selected
1,022 West Papuans to vote publicly and
unanimously in favor of integration with
Indonesia. The final wording of the UN
report says only that the procedure had
been carried out in accordance with Indonesian,
and not international practice
as specified in the article.
As the writer Simamora
concedes, retired UN undersecretary-general
Narasimhan Chakravarty has been quoted
saying that the Act of Free Choice was
just a whitewash. But what
Simamora does not mention is that Narasimhan
also adds : The mood at the UN was
to get rid of this problem as quickly
as possible
. Nobody gave a thought
to the fact that there were a million
people there who had their fundamental
rights trampled
. How could anyone
have seriously belived that all voters
unanimously decided to join his (Soehartos)
regime? Does Simamora seriously
believe this? It certainly appears so.
But when has a 100 percent vote of this
kind ever been considered as anything
but a sham? The answer of course is never.
Those 1,022 representatives
represented nothing but the official will
of Jakarta.
Importantly, Narasimhans
claims are backed up repeatedly in recently
de-classified documents emerging from
the archives of the UN and elsewhere.
In one example, a 1968 U.S. Embassy telegram
reports that UN representatives Ortiz
Sanz concedes that it would be inconceivable
from the point of view of the interests
of the UN as well as Indonesia, that a
result other than the continuance of West
(Papua) within Indonesian sovereignty
should emerge.
In a further example, a
1969 British document notes that the UN
Secretariat in New York appear only
too anxious to get shot of the problem
as quickly and smoothly as possible.
Another British official at the time commented,
Privately, however, we recognize
that the people of West Irian have no
desire to be ruled by the Indonesians
.
And that the process of consultation did
not allow a genuinely free choice to be
made.
To conclude, there is certainly
a case for the UN to answer and a review
would be the fairest way of doing it.
It is surely in the best interests of
West Papua, the UN and even Indonesia,
that the full facts surrounding the Act
of Free Choice be revealed. There is nothing
to be gained from maintaining a distorted
version of history that can only further
distort current efforts to solve the West
Papuan issue peacefully. ***
The writers forthcoming
book is The United Nations and the Indonesian
Takeover of West Papua 1962-1969 Published
by Routledge-Curzon
Courier
Mail
To West Papua's Victor, the Spoils
By Greg Poulgrain
August 17, 2002
WEST Papua, the lost neighbour
of Australia, only 100km from our
northern border, last week commemorated
the Indonesian takeover of the
territory on August 15, 40 years ago.
As a "military operations
area" during the intervening period,
news from
Irian Jaya, now officially Papua, was
often smothered.
Only top-level assassinations
of Papuans were reported, but for the
Papuan people themselves, it is a case
of internal bleeding.
The New York Agreement in
1962, replacing Dutch colonial rule with
Indonesian, was dominated by US fears
that Netherlands New Guinea would
benefit only the communists.
With Indonesian army control,
however, the real benefits went to
US-linked mining and oil companies and
a handful of generals.
Now the most haunting spectre
in the countdown for Indonesia's next
election in 2004 is Islam. Whoever gains
or retains control of West
Papua will benefit greatly from its wealth
of natural resources.
This prize marred the UN's
intermediary role in the 1960s which should
have provided a multinational force to
separate Indonesian and Dutch
forces, including a Papuan battalion of
3000 troops.
However, there was an under-the-table
agreement, without UN
documentation, between the US administrator,
Ellesworth Bunker and
Pakistani foreign minister, Ali Bogra.
This meant the entire UN
force consisted of Pakistani Muslim troops
who
sided with Indonesia, the world's largest
Muslim country. Papuans were
being killed even before the UN force
departed in mid-1963. Objections
in the Australian parliament were stifled.
The New York Agreement provided
for a Papuan vote in 1969 to decide
whether or not they wanted to remain under
Indonesian rule, but the
outcome was already decided.
The 1969 Act of Free Choice
was a farce, even when the agreement was
signed in 1962. That was inadvertently
acknowledged by the most powerful
US lobby group in the Indonesian takeover
-- the Council on Foreign
Relations. The CFR was set up by Rockefeller
oil interests (Standard
Oil) before World War II.
More than any other group
-- even the CIA -- it influenced then
US
president John F. Kennedy's decision in
1962 to hand over Netherlands
New Guinea to president Sukarno.
It is no coincidence that
the CFR decided, only three months ago,
to
form a special committee once again to
focus on West Papua because of
the high profile of Islam since September
11, 2001.
The most prominent Indonesian
figure in West Papua is not President
Megawati Sukarnoputri but the leading
Muslim politician, Amien Rais,
aged 58, whose goal is to win the presidency
in 2004.
Rais was an outspoken critic
of president Suharto when he fell from
power in 1998.
The political party Rais
formed, the National Mandate Party (PAN),
gained only 7 per cent of votes in the
last general election, but his
role as king-maker is his strength. He
orchestrated the rise and fall of
president Abdurrahman Wahid but has since
vowed to "stick to his role as
chairman of the People's Consultative
Assemble" until the 2004 election.
Why is PAN focusing on West
Papua? Rais will need the support of the
Indonesian army to win the presidency,
just as Megawati did.
Although once a stern critic
of the army, Rais now sees West Papua
as
the key to winning support from the army
because the territory generates
a large amount of personal revenue for
the army.
Jakarta funds 25 per cent
of the army's running costs and the rest,
much
of it from illegal logging to China and
smuggling of flora and fauna,
comes from West Papua.
PAN, which is not restricted
to adherents of Islam, is organising a
number of Papuan representatives to provide
services for Papuans.
For 40 years, Papuans, particularly
in the highlands, have received not
much more from Jakarta than the brunt
of Indonesian military aggression
and racism.
Many Papuans have been shot
for raising the Morning Star flag, a symbol
of the independence denied them in the
1960s. And now, evidence of more
sinister ethnic cleansing is emerging:
Papuans who have distinguished
themselves academically are being killed
by lethal injections.
A university lecturer who
worked in West Papua for six years told
me 20
of his top Papuan students were killed
by injection at a hospital in
Jayapura, the capital, for minor complaints
such as a cut on the foot.
Only top students were killed. They were
given injections and died in 20
minutes.
Now PAN hopes to repair
the damage done by 40 years of genocidal
military rule.
For American observers,
such as the 10 military attaches who accompanied
Jakarta-based US Ambassador Skip Boyce
when he visited West Papua in
March, it may be hard to distinguish between
the influence of PAN and
more militant forms of Islam. Of those,
the most notable is the
army-sponsored Laskar Jihad group which
is acquiring a military force in
West Papua.
The Papuan population of
1.8 million are Christian; so too are
half of
the 1.2 million non-Papuans.
The trend, however, partly
the outcome of dire economic conditions
in
Java and partly the doing of an army-sponsored
strategy to create
instability in the future, is to promote
transmigrants from Java.
Ships bring up to 7000 Javanese
to West Papua weekly and each shipload
brings another contingent of Laskar Jihad.
The army trains these people
as the militia of the future, possibly
for a religious conflict, similar
to those that occurred in Ambon.
In the opinion of Rais,
Indonesian security forces can take either
a
democratic or a militaristic approach
to overcome such conflicts.
Without acknowledging the role of the
army or its motives in prolonging
such conflicts, Rais said that because
the democratic option had not
worked, he would prefer the militaristic
approach "even if it somewhat
tarnishes the image of democracy".
Winning army support before
the 2004 election is a PAN priority.
Monitoring the growth of
Islamic support in West Papua, and the
likelihood of Amien Rais winning the presidency
in 2004, is a CFR
priority.
The Australian priority,
to resume relations with the Indonesian
military, will increase the "democratic
deficit" in Papua and enhance
the role of militant Islam throughout
Indonesia -- advancing the problem
not the solution.
Greg Poulgrain is a lecturer
in South-East Asian history at University
of Queensland
Whoever gains or retains
control of West Papua will benefit greatly
from
its wealth of natural resources.
New
Report on Human Rights Conditions in Freeport
Area
The newly-released report
by Abigail Abrash, consultant to the Robert
F.
Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights,
entitled
"Development Aggression:
Observations on Human Rights Conditions
in the PT Freeport Indonesia
Contract of Work Areas with Recommendations"
has been converted to html
format and can be read on this website:
go to Links section, or click here.
Delay
expected for Theys' murder trial
Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta
Post, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post
July 27, 2002
The trial of nine members
of the Army's special force (Kopassus)
accused of killing Papuan leader Theys
Hiyo Eluay will likely face further delay
because the military police cannot guarantee
they can hand over the results of their
investigation to military prosecutors
next month.
Brig. Gen. Hendardji, deputy
chief of the military police, said on
Friday the investigative team were having
difficulties collecting evidence, as well
as the testimonies of several witnesses,
calling the high-profile case "very
sensitive".
Hendardji, also chairman
of the Indonesian Military (TNI) investigative
team, initially said he would hand over
the results of the investigation this
month, but it was rejected as "incomplete"
by military prosecutors.
"I cannot set a deadline
for the handing over of the investigation's
results because most of the witnesses
have refused to testify. So what we need
is more time," he said.
Earlier, Military Police
chief Maj. Gen. Sulaiman A.B. said the
Kopassus members were likely to be tried
this month, soon after the TNI investigative
team hand over the dossiers to prosecutors.
But, Sulaiman retracted
his statement a few days later, saying
the trial might be delayed because the
team had yet to complete its investigation.
Theys, also a chairman of
the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP), was
found dead in November last year, only
hours after he had attended a commemoration
of the National Heroes Day at the Jayapura-based
Kopassus headquarters. Nine Kopassus members
are being detained at the military police's
cell for allegedly killing Theys. The
include Lt. Col. Hartomo, Maj. Doni Hutabarat
and Capt. Rianaldo.
Many had demanded the government
proceed with the case at the human rights
tribunal, considering that TNI as an institution
was believed to have engineered the killing.
Earlier this week, Rianaldo's
father Agus Zihof, a retired military
officer, sent a letter to Army Chief of
Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, informing
that his son was being forced by a man
namely Maj. Andika Perkasa, a Kopassus
member and also a son-in-law of Hendropriyono,
the National Intelligence Agency (BIN)
chief, to confess to killing Theys.
In his letter, Agus also revealed that
"Andika had promised my son a good
position at BIN, because his father (Hendropriyono)
holds one of the top positions there".
Hendardji said the team
would not question Andika.
************************
Extract
from European Commission Assessment Report
"
the 'Act of
Free Choice'
was never more than
a farce. A grand total of 1,025 Papuans,
all selected by the Indonesian authorities
were permitted to vote - with virtually
no UN monitoring - on the future of West
Papua's 800,000 inhabitants. Not too surprisingly,
they unanimously voted to remain in Indonesia
"
Report of the EC conflict
prevention assessment mission to Indonesia,
March 2002, Page 64.
(Full Report: Go to Links Section)
********************
The
New York Times
July 22, 2002
Letters to the Editor
Indonesia and Terrorism
[The writer, a retired senior
Foreign Service officer, was political
counselor at the American Embassy in Jakarta,
1996-99]
To the Editor:
"Indonesia's Unreformed
Military" (editorial, July 17) rightly
calls for Congress to reject the administration's
plan to resume cooperation with the Indonesian
military and make it a "partner"
in the war on terrorism.
The Indonesian military
currently collaborates closely with an
Islamic fundamentalist organization, the
Laskar Jihad, whose armed fighters have
significantly exacerbated Christian-Muslim
fighting in the Malukus and are now provoking
Christian-Muslim tensions in the province
of Papua.
The Indonesian military's
support for this and other militias in
Papua, Aceh and Malukus is strongly reminiscent
of its creation of and support for militias
in East Timor, which, along with Indonesian
forces, laid waste to East Timor after
East Timorese voted to separate from Indonesia
in 1999.
The Indonesian military's
continuing record of cooperation with
domestic terror groups renders it untrustworthy.
EDMUND MCWILLIAMS
Falls Church, Va., July 17, 2002
**************************
Report
of Indonesian Army Pillaging, Beating
and Raping Women in West Papua
ARMY'S TAINTED LOGGING BUSINESS
IN PAPUA
Elsham News Service report,
received via Tapol 21 July 2002
" Army's lucrative
shadowy business not only contributed
much loved cash to the pockets of its
Generals, but also, shockingly, revealed
horrific stories of agony and pains of
the Papuans"
Deployment of military troops
of any given state to its territories
can be perceived normal when adherence
to widely accepted norms and rule of law,
including, of course, military code of
ethics, is maintained. Harmonious relationships
with surrounding environment, consequently,
will surely take place. This forms the
basis for successful and mutual interactions
among various interests.
The above premise seems
to be in contrast with the practices of
Indonesian army members now stationed
in various parts Papua, especially in
the sub districts (Kecamatan) around Jayapura
regency. Remoteness and isolation of pockets
of Papuan settlements may add to the confidence
of the Army to plunge into economic activities,
notably, logging business. Most of the
processed timber sold by Army personnel
were plundered, confiscated from local
Papuan natives, or directly from forest
without legal authorization. The Army's
had their own excuses for indulging in
such venture. Why then plunder of processed
timber extended to rapes and torture?
ELSHAM Papua prepared the following report.
Below are testimonies of
natives Papuans whose (processed) timber
forcefully seized.
April 2002, Habel Enef,
a local church worker, reluctantly surrender
his timber, after a Kopassus member who
was based in Bumi Irian Perkasa (BIP)
logging company, named Herman, threatened
to shoot him.
February 2002, Markus Putui
from Yetti village, handed in his processed
logs to an unidentified soldier of Infantry
Battalion 126 from North Sumatra (Bukit
Barisan) stationed in the area. Markus
was beaten with riffle butt and threatened
to be shot.
March 2002, (a) Andrias
Yombori, Head of Yetti village, was threatened
to be shot by a Kopassus member, Herman,
who was stationed at BIP logging company.
Andrias surrendered his processed timbers.
(b) Frans Putui from Yetti village had
volleys of bullets shot above his head
which forced him to give his processed
timbers to a member of Yonif 126 Bukit
Barisan, (c) 6 cubic meters of processed
timbers belonging to Yayasan Tradisional
Perbatasan (a local foundation) was seized
by Commander of Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan.
May 2002, processed timbers
belonging to William Itungkir (a Yetti
villager) were seized by a member of Yonif
126 Bukit Barisan. He was threatened to
be shot.
15 June 2002, at around 3 PM, members
of Kopassus riding on BIP own car, intercepted
the truck carrying processed timber belonging
to Reverend Augustinus Jibu Franz, chairman
of Traditional Perbatasan Foundation,
with the intention to seize the timber.
One member of Kopassus aimed his pistol
at the Reverend but another Kopassus member
prevented the shooting. Kopassus then
got the help of police to ultimately prevented
the timbers from being transported to
town for sale.
26 June 2002, five Yetti
villagers, Markus Putui, William Itungkir,
Maks Wel, Kipson Moi, and Elias Sakor,
were severely ill-treated. They were beaten
with riffle butts, then forced to creep
and eat soil.
Apart from pillaging the
processed timbers belonging to the natives,
the army personnel stationed around Yetti
area also poisoned rivers using toxic
chemicals to obtain fish. Rapes were perpetrated
by members of Army Yonif 725 from Wonogiri
in the village of Yuruf (Web sub district)
in Jayapura regency. The following are
names of the rape victims :
Debora Mandaweri (aged 16),
Densi Mandawer (aged 16), Roslin Wambea
(aged 17), Poppi Mandawer (aged 19), Klara
Wey (aged15), Berghita Sumel (aged 17),
Yinice Pikindu (aged 16), Mince Kemo (aged
18), Romi Sumel (aged 25), Mince Kemo
(aged 25), Lidya Matar/Mandoweri (aged
28).
When asked by an ELSHAM
Papua source, First Private P. Pakpahan
(aged 26) conceded that military personnel
sent in from outside Papua are allowed
by military top brass in Papua to conduct
timber and logging trade/ business to
sustain troops daily expenses. Lieutenant
Colonel Jhoni Supriyanto, Commander of
Yonif 126, fully supports this business.
Mr. Pakpahan said that daily expense of
Rp7000/ member was simply inadequate.
Additional source of income must be found.
Processed timber fits in. Mr. Pakpahan
further said that in other areas (out
side Papua) where he and his colleagues
were stationed before, daily expense was
averagely Rp15000/day/member.
Indeed the TNI (Indonesian
Army) involved in this business with full
force. The Yonif 126 from Bukit Barisan
who has been stationed in Arso area for
the last 9 months (October 2001-july 2002)
has been running this business in secrecy.
No proper compensation was given to traditional
land owners. Military and civilian trucks
were used to transport processed timber
to town. Army First Sergeant Sardens (aged
40) from Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan , commander
of military post in Yuwong village, stated
that money obtained from sales of processed
timber will be split in half, one half
for Jakarta and the other to the concerned
battalion.
Data provided by Jayapura
Forestry Department revealed that since
January 2002 to April 2002, 446,87 cubic
meters of processed timber had been transported
past Jayapura Forestry Department check
point. The price for one cubic meter is
Rp. 1.200.000.
Many, unsurprisingly, had
expressed disapproval and protests over
this military's side business on this
area of Papua. Nevertheless, in a recent
visit by Infantry Colonel Agus Mulyadi,
Regional Military Commander of 172 PWY
of Jayapura, to Yonif 726 post in Abepura,
denied that Army has involved in logging
business in around Indonesia-Papua New
Guinea border (Cenderawasih Pos 4 July
2002).
Concerns regarding control
by army members over (processed) timber
passing through military controlled posts
are raised by concerned government officers.
One by Mr. Marten Kayoi, Head of provincial
Forestry Department of Papua, who argued
that illegal "passing fee" imposed
on both commercial and local villagers'
processed timber by military personnel
on duty on each check posts should be
halted. Currently "passing fee"
imposed by military personnel at each
post are Rp50.000, for commercial operators,
and Rp10.000 for small native owned processed
timber@
----------
*ELSHAM NEWS SERVICE provides regular
reports and information on social and
political development and their implication
on Human Rights situation and democracy
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provided are obtained from ELSHAM PAPUA
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Those interested in subscribing to this
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SHOULD THE U.S. RESUME
MILITARY TIES WITH INDONESIA?
REFLECTIONS FROM A PAPUAN PERSPECTIVE
by John Rumbiak
Supervisor ELSHAM - Institute for Human
Rights Study and Advocacy in Papua
[This paper was the basis
of a presentation in the U.S. in June
of 2002, during an educational campaign
at the Asia Society in New York City on
17 June and before members of the U.S.
Congress, Senators and the State Department
in Washington, D.C. June 19 21]
Full
Paper Here
Voice
of America
Asia Pacific Papua Leaders Take Independence
Campaign Outside
Indonesia
Patricia Nunan - Jakarta
5 Jul 2002 09:30 UTC
Leaders in the Indonesian
province of Papua are taking their fight
for independence overseas, with a recent
trip to Washington and a