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ARRESTS AT NETHERLANDS EMBASSY, DUBLIN


Pictured in front of Netherlands embassy, Dublin, being brought to custody after having been arrested 15 August 2002, left to right in white teeshirts saying "West Papua betrayed": Mark Doris, Treena Lenthall, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington. Also arrested: Ciaron O'Reilly. Photo: Brian Meade. [this photo was published in The Irish Times, 16 August]

Left to right in white: Mark Doris, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington. Verraad = Betrayal. The banner also has the dates 1962 and 2002. August 15th was the 40th anniversary of the New York Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands. Photo: Brian Meade.

NewsTalk 106, Irish Times, Irish Examiner, The Star, The Irish News, Raidio na Gaeltachta covered the protest.

The Irish Examiner, 16 August 2002

Four arrested in embassy sit-down

by Cormac O'Keefe

GARDAÍ arrested four human rights protestors yesterday after they staged a sit-down inside the Dutch Embassy in Dublin.

The four, members of West Papua Action, were protesting against the country's record towards its former colonial territory on the 40th anniversary of a controversial agreement signed by The Netherlands, Indonesia and the UN on August 15, 1962. The group says the Dutch Government failed to protect the West Papua people by ignoring what they claim was a rigged Indonesian poll on independence for the natives.

A spokesman for the group said three members, co-ordinator Mark Doris, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington and Treena Lenthall, entered the embassy reception on Merrion Road, Ballsbridge, at about 11.30am. They told the receptionist they had a letter for the ambassador and asked to see him.

On hearing he wasn't there, they sat down, displaying T-shirts reading, West Papua betrayed - with the word VERRAAD, meaning betrayed in Dutch, and the dates 1962 and 2002.

The protestors asked an official to send the letter to the foreign minister with a covering letter stating he had received it. When he said he could not do this, the group refused to go.

The ambassador then arrived with gardaí, who arrested the four. Mr Doris was taken to Donnybrook Station while Ms Sheehy Skeffington and Ms Lenthall and Ciaron O'Reilly, who was arrested outside the embassy, were taken to Irishtown Station. They were released pending further investigations.

A spokesman said: "Forty years of inaction by the Netherlands Government has driven our group to this sit-down protest. We would still hope the Netherlands Government would play an active and constructive role towards a solution for West Papua."

The 1962 agreement, signed in New York, allowed Indonesia take over West Papua from its colonial ruler, so long as an "act of self-determination in accordance with international practice" took place within six years. An estimated 30,000 West Papuans died at the hands of the Indonesians between 1962-69. Around 70,000 have died since.

The Star, Friday, August 16, 2002

GROUP’S SIT DOWN VIGIL

[Photo caption: PROTEST: A man is arrested yesterday]

Four members of the West Papua Action group were arrested yesterday when they entered the Dutch Embassy in Dublin and staged a peaceful sit down vigil. The vigil was an attempt to highlight the 40th anniversary of the agreement the Dutch signed with Indonesia over the self-governance of West Papua. Mark Doris, one of the four arrested, said the people of West Papua need a European power behind them to “help their cause” but getting the Dutch involved is like “nailing jelly to a wall".

The Irish News, 16 August 2002

4 arrested in Papua protest


FOUR people were arrested in Dublin yesterday as they handed over a letter to the Dutch ambassador. The four, from West Papua Action, were protesting against human rights violations in West Papua. They were released without charges but are likely to appear in court at a later date.

The Irish Times, 16 August, 2002

Page 4: colour photo with caption: "Mark Doris of West Papua Action being led away by police after being arrested during a sitdown protest in the Dutch embassy yesterday. The group was protesting at the Netherland's failure to call for self-determination for its former colony of West Papua. Photograph: Brian Meade"

PRESS STATEMENT

15 August 2002

Activists Arrested after Call on Netherlands Government
to call publicly for Act of Self-determination in West Papua

Irish activists today called on the Netherlands government to call publicly as a matter of urgency for a proper act of self-determination in accordance with international practice in West Papua as agreed by the Netherlands at UN headquarters 40 years ago today.

The activists called on the Netherlands Ambassador to Ireland to convey to his government this demand at the Netherlands embassy today, where a vigil and protest occurred. The Ambassador felt he couldn't accede to a request that a cover letter with a copy of a letter to the Ambassador (see below) be sent to the Netherlands government, with a copy to the activists before leaving. After a peaceful sit down protest, Micheline Sheehy Skeffington, Treena Lenthall, Ciaron O'Reilly and Mark Doris were arrested and brought into police custody - later to be released.

The Netherlands signed the New York Agreement with Indonesia at United Nations Headquarters on 15 August 2002.

The peaceful protestors wore tee-shirts saying “West Papua betrayed”. A large banner displayed VERRAAD! which means BETRAYED! in Dutch – with the dates 1962 and 2002.

In a letter to the Ambassador, West Papua Action coordinator, Mark Doris, said:

‘As your government fully knows, Article XVIII of the Agreement, paragraph (d), had the following words:

The eligibility of all adults, male and female, not foreign nationals, to participate in the act of act of self-determination to be carried out in accordance with international practice

As your government fully knows, an estimated 30,000 deaths occurred in West Papua from 1963 to 1969, underscoring how “the rights, including the rights of free speech, freedom of movement and of assembly of the inhabitants” were not “fully guaranteed” as per Article XXII of the Agreement your government signed 40 years ago today. Your government also knows how just 1,022 hand-picked people voted in public to declare their loyalty to Indonesia in 1969: this was the extent of the “act of self-determination in accordance with international practice”.

Your government did not protest.’

West Papua (formerly called “Irian Jaya”, now “Papua”, by Indonesia) was taken over by Indonesia in 1963, after a brief period of UN administration. The Netherlands departed West Papua on October 1st 1962. An estimated 100,000 people have died in West Papua since 1963.

For more information, contact: Mark Doris, 087 2969742. 01 860 3431.

Note: Letter to Ambassador below

ENDS


West Papua Action
134 Phibsborough Road
Dublin 7
Ireland
Tel. *353 1 860 3431 / 882 7581
Fax. *353 1 882 7576
Mobile. *353 87 2969742
Email. wpaction@iol.ie
http://westpapuaaction.buz.org
++++++++++++++++++++++++
for human rights in West Papua
including the right to self-determination
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

The Ambassador

Royal Netherlands Embassy

160 Merrion Road

Ballsbridge

Dublin 4

August 15, 2002.

Re: 40 years of silence on West Papua

Dear Ambassador,

We are here today to commemorate the history of silence of your government and its betrayal of the West Papuan people, in particular since your government signed the New York Agreement 40 years ago today at United Nations Headquarters with the Indonesian government.

As your government fully knows, Article XVIII of the Agreement, paragraph (d), had the following words:

The eligibility of all adults, male and female, not foreign nationals, to participate in the act of act of self-determination to be carried out in accordance with international practice

As your government fully knows, an estimated 30,000 deaths occurred in West Papua from 1963 to 1969, underscoring how “the rights, including the rights of free speech, freedom of movement and of assembly of the inhabitants” were not “fully guaranteed” as per Article XXII of the Agreement your government signed 40 years ago today. Your government also knows how just 1,022 hand-picked people voted in public to declare their loyalty to Indonesia in 1969: this was the extent of the “act of self-determination in accordance with international practice”.

Your government did not protest.

The conspiracy of silence from your government has spoken louder than any words.

It is in the power of your government however to begin to redress this shameful history of silence and betrayal.

Your government could for instance:

1. call publicly for a dialogue, mediated by a third party, between West Papuans and Indonesia;

2. support international calls on UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the UN to review its role in the 1969 “Act of ‘Free’ Choice”;

3. make a public statement on whether or not an “act of self-determination in accordance with international practice” took place in 1969;

4. call on Indonesia to invite competent UN authorities to visit West Papua to investigate the human rights abuses which have been occurring there since 1962;

5. call for the immediate withdrawal of all combat troops from West Papua;

6. call publicly as a matter of urgency for a proper act of self-determination in accordance with international practice in West Papua as your government agreed to at the UN 40 years ago today.

Your government fully knows that Chakravarthy Narasimhan, former UN Undersecretary General has said the so-called “Act of ‘Free’ Choice” was a “whitewash”. Your government does not have to wait for any further research in your country or elsewhere to confirm what is obvious: the “Act of ‘Free’ Choice” was a sham.

The question of West Papua will not go away. In fact, there is growing concern here in Ireland and internationally for the people of West Papua.

The Netherlands government can choose to take an honorable part in the history of West Papua, which may go some way to redressing the injustice suffered by West Papuans over the past 40 years.

Yours faithfully,

…………………….

Mark Doris,

Coordinator.

Irish Times Website Breaking News 15 August 2002

Four arrested at protest outside Dutch embassy
Last updated: 15-08-02, 17:44

Four members of a group campaigning for independence for West Papua were arrested during a protest at the Dutch Embassy in Dublin this afternoon.

They were taken to Donnybrook and Irishtown Garda Stations. All have been released without charge although summonses may be issued later.

The protest was to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the New York Agreement which ceded Dutch control of the former colony to Indonesia.

West Papuans’ right to self-determination was stipulated in this accord and a referendum on independence was promised by 1969.

This never happened and today’s protest was against the Dutch Government’s refusal to raise this issue with Indonesia, said Mr Mark Doris, spokesman for West Papua Action’s Irish branch.

Mr Doris, who was one of those who was arrested, said 100,000 people have died in the region as a result of their struggle for independence.

He said "a small number of people" had attended today’s peaceful protest at the Dutch embassy on Merrion Road.

Also arrested were Ms Treena Lenthall; Ms Micheline Sheehy-Skeffington and Mr Ciaron O’Rielly.

© 2002 ireland.com

Laksamana.net
Irish Arrested Over Papua Protest
August 18, 2002 01:52 PM

Laksamana.Net - Four people have been arrested in Ireland for
participating in a protest outside the Dutch Embassy in Dublin to demand
Indonesia's Papua province be allowed to hold an independence
referendum.

The Irish Times Online said the protesters were detained Thursday
(15/8/02) afternoon and later released without charge, although
summonses may be issued later.

The protest commemorated the 40th anniversary of the so-called New York
Agreement which ceded Dutch control of the former colony to the United
Nations and then to Indonesia.

Under the terms of the agreement of August 15, 1962, between the
Netherlands and Indonesia, Dutch New Guinea (West Papua) was transferred
to the United Nations and then ceded to Indonesia in 1963, with the
proviso that an 'Act of Free Choice' be held in 1969 to be determine
whether the territory would join Indonesia or become independent.

But a referendum on independence was never held. Instead, Indonesian
officials selected 1,026 tribal representatives and coerced them to
choose to join Indonesia.

Pro-independence groups say the people of Papua were cheated and must be
allowed to hold an act of self-determination.

Thursday's protest in Dublin was against the Dutch government's refusal
to raise the referendum issue with Indonesia, Mark Doris, spokesman for
West Papua Action's Irish branch, was quoted as saying by The Irish
Times.

Doris, who was among those arrested, said 100,000 people have died in
the region as a result of their struggle for independence.

Indonesia has ruled out an independence referendum for Papua and has
instead promised the province a greater share of the profits from its
vast natural resources.

The Irish Times, August 15

Embassy vigil for Irian Jaya

DUBLIN - An hour-long protest vigil outside the Netherlands embassy is planned today to mark the 40th anniversary of the New York Agreement concerning the disputed Indonesian territory of Papua (formerly Irian Jaya). It is known to separatists as West Papua, writes David Shanks.

The protesters say the Netherlands agreed in 1962 that an "act of self-determination in accordance with international practice" would take place within six years in West Papua. "It never happened… It is time for the Netherlands to call publicly as a matter of urgency for a proper act of self-determination in West Papua in accordance with international practice as they agreed at the UN 40 years ago on August 15th, 1962," said Mr Mark Doris of West Papua Action. The protest is at 1 p.m. at the embassy at 160 Merrion Road.


Vigil at Netherlands Embassy,
1.00pm - 2.00pm Thursday August 15th

There will be a vigil outside the Netherlands Embassy from 1.00pm to 2.00pm (please note time) on 15 August 2002, the 40th anniversary of the New York Agreement concerning West Papua.

The Netherlands Embassy is located at 160 Merrion Road, Ballsbridge, Dublin 4.

The Netherlands signed an Agreement at United Nations Headquarters in New York with the Indonesian Government (the West Papuans weren't involved in the Agreement), where they agreed, inter alia, that an "act of self-determinaton in accordance with international practice" would take place within six years in West Papua. It never happened. The Netherlands government did nothing, and continue to remain silent, 40 years later.

It is time for the Netherlands to call publicly as a matter of urgency for a proper act of self-determination in West Papua in accordance with international practice as they agreed to at the UN 40 years ago on August 15, 1962.

The West Papuan people continue to suffer the consequences of silence with at least 100,000 deaths at the hands of the Indonesian military since 1963.

West Papua, north of Australia, was taken over by Indonesia in 1963.

For more information: contact Mark Doris 087 2969742 or 01 860 3431.

*SIGN ONLINE PETITION TO KOFI ANNAN*

Online Papua Discussion:
"The Conflict Prevention Initiative (CPI) at the Harvard Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research and the Center for Security and Peace Studies(CSPS) at the University of Gadjah Mada are pleased to invite you to participate in an exciting online forum discussion on peace and development in Papua. The E-forum will be hosted on the CPI Indonesia web portal at:
http://www.preventconflict.org/portal/discussion/
from June 24 to July 5, 2002."

Click Here for Report and Pictures from International Campaign Launch in Dublin

**************

Song inspired by Papuan leader released

Human Music Australia and John Gordon have released a new song "Theys Goodbye" which can be downloaded free from their site. The song is about 3 minutes and is inspired by the memory of Theys Eluay. More information about the song, and to download: http://humanmusic.cjb.net

OUT NOW!

New Internationalist special edition on West Papua:
the economic, political and social challenges it's leaders face in their struggle for independence.

Special price copies available from West Papua Action.

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ON THIS PAGE BELOW:

Jakarta to outlaw Papuan activists (August 29)

Behind the New York Agreement on West Papua

To West Papua's Victor, the Spoils

New Report on Human Rights Conditions in Freeport Area

Delay expected for Theys' murder trial (July 27)

Extract from EC Conflict Prevention Mission Report

Letter to New York Times (July 22)

Indonesian Army Pillaging, Beating and Raping Women in West Papua (July 21)

Should the US Resume Military Ties?

Papua Leaders Take Independence Campaign Outside
Indonesia (July 5)

URGENT ACTION (JULY 1)

Respected Highland Leader Poisoned: Indonesian military suspected

The Future Could Be Genocide: Report/Analysis (10 June)

When Indonesia's unity is no longer voluntary (11 June)

Indonesian military steps up repression in West Papua (8 June)

*******************

Jakarta to outlaw Papuan activists
By Don Greenlees, Jakarta correspondent, The Australian
29 August 2002

INDONESIAN police have drawn up plans to outlaw the main Papuan independence organisation in a crackdown on separatism aimed at preventing Papua from becoming a "second East Timor".

Minutes of internal police meetings and documents obtained by The Australian, reveal a strategy to put the Papuan Presidium, the leading civilian proponent of an independent Papua, out of business, possibly by arresting and prosecuting its leaders.

The 60-day operation, known as Adil Matoa, began this month with the aim of identifying separatists or separatist organisations, arresting and prosecuting individuals "committing treason or attacks against the state" and shutting down organisations conducting separatist activities.

According to the minutes of a three-hour meeting on July 5, attended by 16 high-ranking officers of the Papua provincial police, the operation would seek to prosecute Presidium members "according to the law (by obtaining) clear evidence that their activities are towards the illegal separation of Papua from Indonesia".

It warns that police need to take action to stop Papua becoming another East Timor.

The moves to set up surveillance against Papuan political activists and pave the way for prosecutions come amid heightened determination in Jakarta to prevent separatist movements around the country building momentum for their causes.

Analysis by the armed forces intelligence agency has played down the risks posed by the ill-equipped, poorly co-ordinated and relatively inactive armed wing of the Papuan resistance. But according to sources, armed forces intelligence is concerned about the potential for the political wing to build support, particularly overseas.

There are fears that foreign lobbying activities could help change sentiment in countries such as the US and Australia, where governments support continued Indonesian rule based on Jakarta offering local autonomous rule.

Exerting pressure on the civilian political movement is seen as the most effective way of containing the growth of pro-independence activity. An order signed by the Papuan police chief, Made Pastika, on July 17, initiating the operation, states that activities to combat Papuan separatists are to be carried out within the province, elsewhere in Indonesia and abroad.

In this document, targets of the operation are cited as "suspected civilians and community organisations that have a vision and mission oriented towards the separation of Papua from the Indonesian republic and endangering the unity of the nation by violating national law".

It also cites civilians and community organisations that "object to government policy using the cover of violation of human rights (and) violation of indigenous rights" and conduct activities that can "undermine the dignity of the government and state".

Fearing the operation will trigger a round-up of civilian political and human rights activists, a national human rights group wrote to the police chief accusing the police of trying to turn legitimate human rights work into "a cheap issue to clamp down on innocent people".

The letter by the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) warns the operation will only lead to a repeat of the "crimes against humanity committed in the past, for which the state was never held accountable".

A written reply from police headquarters in Jakarta maintains there is a "strong reason" to run operation Adil Matoa because there is evidence "suspected individuals and community organisations have a mission (and) tried to build public opinion domestically and abroad to unify their vision for an independent Papua".

"We hope that those illegal organisations will disband out of their own conscience," the letter states, in what activists regard as a reference to the Papuan Presidium.

The Jakarta Post

Print Edition: Page 7 – Friday, August 23, 2002

Behind the New York Agreement on West Papua

John Saltford
Alumni, Department of Political and Asian Studies
University of Hull United Kingdom

johnsaltford@hotmail.com

The opinion piece by the Dupito Simamora, an Indonesian diplomat to the United Nations, on revisiting the 1962 New York Agreement (The Jakarta Post, Aug. 19) was very interesting. I also fully agree with him that it is time to review the issue in a “comprehensive and objective manner”.

However, to assist with the process of this objective review one needs to look at what the New York Agreement actually guaranteed. One can then compare this with what took place and so come to a conclusion as to whether it was such a success story for the UN. Or, as others claim, was the agreement’s implementation just a crudely manipulated stunt that fundamentally ignored the rights guaranteed to the West Papuans by the UN, Indonesia and the Netherlands?

The first point is that there are arguments on both sides of the debate over whether West Papua should have gone to Indonesia in 1949. However, in a sense these arguments are irrelevant because the UN-brokered New York Agreement, signed by Indonesia and the Netherlands, guaranteed the West Papuan people the right to self-determination, i.e. it was for them, and no one else, to decide whether they were Indonesian or an independent state.

Under Article 2 of the Agreement, the Dutch handed over West Papua to a temporary UN authority (UNTEA) on Oct. 1, 1962. After seven months the UN then transferred control to Jakarta prior to any act of self-determination.

On the UN’s record during its seven-month administration of West Papua (Oct. 1, 1962-May 1, 1963), perhaps a couple of comments from the UN officials who were actually there will suffice. The first was made in a confidential letter by the UNTEA Divisional Commissioner for Merauke in December 1962 :

“If the date (of our departure) is advanced or if the Agreement is changed doing away with a plebiscite, I do not expect widespread disturbances because we have sufficient forces to control the situation – a whiff of grapeshot can easily control the situation if that is what UNTEA wants.”

The second remark was by the Merauke Commissioner’s colleague in charge of Biak :

“I have yet to meet any thinking, sober, generally responsible Papuan who sees any good in the coming link with Indonesia…. Unwelcome as the anxiety and resistance of thinking Papuans maybe it is of course hardly surprising if one is not under pressure to close one’s eyes to what is in fact happening to this people at the hands of the three parties to the Agreement.”

Whatever one makes of these comments, they hardly describe a situation that today’s UN would want to use as a model for future operations.

But returning to the New York Agreement, if ones is to pass judgement on its implementation, it is necessary to consider four key articles.

Under Article 16, a number of UN experts were to remain in the territory following the transfer of administrative responsibility to Indonesia. Their primary task was to advise and assist the Indonesians in their preparations for Papuan self-determination that was to take place before the end of 1969. But these experts were never deployed because Indonesia objected.

Under Article 22, the UN and Indonesia had to guarantee fully the rights, including the rights of free speech, freedom of movement and of assembly of the Papuans.

These rights were not upheld, even during the UN administration, and with no UN staff in the territory once Jakarta took over, Indonesia was free to act as it pleased. The official 1969 UN report actually admits that the article had not been fully implemented adding “the (Indonesian) Administration exercised at all times a tight political control over the population.”

Under Article 17, one year prior to selfl-determination, the Secretary-General was to appoint a representative who would lead a team of UN officials, including those already stationed in the territory. Their task was to continue and build on the work outlined in Article 16 and remain until the act of self-determination was complete.

A Bolivian diplomat, Ortiz Sanz, was appointed but, as he made clear in his official report, the non-implementation of Article 16 meant that there was no experienced UN staff in the territory for him to lead. Instead he had to make do with a newly arrived team of 16 who were supposes to assist and observe an act of self-determination in a vast territory covering 160,150 square miles.

Under Article 18, all adult Papuans had the right to participate in an act of self-determination to be carried out in accordance with international practice.

This central tenet of the agreement was never implemented. The UN effectively stood by as Indonesia selected 1,022 West Papuans to vote publicly and unanimously in favor of integration with Indonesia. The final wording of the UN report says only that the procedure had been carried out in accordance with “Indonesian”, and not “international” practice as specified in the article.

As the writer Simamora concedes, retired UN undersecretary-general Narasimhan Chakravarty has been quoted saying that the Act of Free Choice was “just a whitewash.” But what Simamora does not mention is that Narasimhan also adds : “The mood at the UN was to get rid of this problem as quickly as possible…. Nobody gave a thought to the fact that there were a million people there who had their fundamental rights trampled…. How could anyone have seriously belived that all voters unanimously decided to join his (Soeharto’s) regime?” Does Simamora seriously believe this? It certainly appears so. But when has a 100 percent vote of this kind ever been considered as anything but a sham? The answer of course is never. Those 1,022 “representatives” represented nothing but the official will of Jakarta.

Importantly, Narasimhan’s claims are backed up repeatedly in recently de-classified documents emerging from the archives of the UN and elsewhere. In one example, a 1968 U.S. Embassy telegram reports that UN representatives Ortiz Sanz “concedes that it would be inconceivable from the point of view of the interests of the UN as well as Indonesia, that a result other than the continuance of West (Papua) within Indonesian sovereignty should emerge.”

In a further example, a 1969 British document notes that the UN Secretariat in New York “appear only too anxious to get shot of the problem as quickly and smoothly as possible.” Another British official at the time commented, “Privately, however, we recognize that the people of West Irian have no desire to be ruled by the Indonesians…. And that the process of consultation did not allow a genuinely free choice to be made.”

To conclude, there is certainly a case for the UN to answer and a review would be the fairest way of doing it. It is surely in the best interests of West Papua, the UN and even Indonesia, that the full facts surrounding the Act of Free Choice be revealed. There is nothing to be gained from maintaining a distorted version of history that can only further distort current efforts to solve the West Papuan issue peacefully. ***

The writer’s forthcoming book is The United Nations and the Indonesian Takeover of West Papua 1962-1969 Published by Routledge-Curzon

Courier Mail
To West Papua's Victor, the Spoils
By Greg Poulgrain
August 17, 2002

WEST Papua, the lost neighbour of Australia, only 100km from our
northern border, last week commemorated the Indonesian takeover of the
territory on August 15, 40 years ago.

As a "military operations area" during the intervening period, news from
Irian Jaya, now officially Papua, was often smothered.

Only top-level assassinations of Papuans were reported, but for the
Papuan people themselves, it is a case of internal bleeding.

The New York Agreement in 1962, replacing Dutch colonial rule with
Indonesian, was dominated by US fears that Netherlands New Guinea would
benefit only the communists.

With Indonesian army control, however, the real benefits went to
US-linked mining and oil companies and a handful of generals.

Now the most haunting spectre in the countdown for Indonesia's next
election in 2004 is Islam. Whoever gains or retains control of West
Papua will benefit greatly from its wealth of natural resources.

This prize marred the UN's intermediary role in the 1960s which should
have provided a multinational force to separate Indonesian and Dutch
forces, including a Papuan battalion of 3000 troops.

However, there was an under-the-table agreement, without UN
documentation, between the US administrator, Ellesworth Bunker and
Pakistani foreign minister, Ali Bogra.

This meant the entire UN force consisted of Pakistani Muslim troops who
sided with Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim country. Papuans were
being killed even before the UN force departed in mid-1963. Objections
in the Australian parliament were stifled.

The New York Agreement provided for a Papuan vote in 1969 to decide
whether or not they wanted to remain under Indonesian rule, but the
outcome was already decided.

The 1969 Act of Free Choice was a farce, even when the agreement was
signed in 1962. That was inadvertently acknowledged by the most powerful
US lobby group in the Indonesian takeover -- the Council on Foreign
Relations. The CFR was set up by Rockefeller oil interests (Standard
Oil) before World War II.

More than any other group -- even the CIA -- it influenced then US
president John F. Kennedy's decision in 1962 to hand over Netherlands
New Guinea to president Sukarno.

It is no coincidence that the CFR decided, only three months ago, to
form a special committee once again to focus on West Papua because of
the high profile of Islam since September 11, 2001.

The most prominent Indonesian figure in West Papua is not President
Megawati Sukarnoputri but the leading Muslim politician, Amien Rais,
aged 58, whose goal is to win the presidency in 2004.

Rais was an outspoken critic of president Suharto when he fell from
power in 1998.

The political party Rais formed, the National Mandate Party (PAN),
gained only 7 per cent of votes in the last general election, but his
role as king-maker is his strength. He orchestrated the rise and fall of
president Abdurrahman Wahid but has since vowed to "stick to his role as
chairman of the People's Consultative Assemble" until the 2004 election.

Why is PAN focusing on West Papua? Rais will need the support of the
Indonesian army to win the presidency, just as Megawati did.

Although once a stern critic of the army, Rais now sees West Papua as
the key to winning support from the army because the territory generates
a large amount of personal revenue for the army.

Jakarta funds 25 per cent of the army's running costs and the rest, much
of it from illegal logging to China and smuggling of flora and fauna,
comes from West Papua.

PAN, which is not restricted to adherents of Islam, is organising a
number of Papuan representatives to provide services for Papuans.

For 40 years, Papuans, particularly in the highlands, have received not
much more from Jakarta than the brunt of Indonesian military aggression
and racism.

Many Papuans have been shot for raising the Morning Star flag, a symbol
of the independence denied them in the 1960s. And now, evidence of more
sinister ethnic cleansing is emerging: Papuans who have distinguished
themselves academically are being killed by lethal injections.

A university lecturer who worked in West Papua for six years told me 20
of his top Papuan students were killed by injection at a hospital in
Jayapura, the capital, for minor complaints such as a cut on the foot.
Only top students were killed. They were given injections and died in 20
minutes.

Now PAN hopes to repair the damage done by 40 years of genocidal
military rule.

For American observers, such as the 10 military attaches who accompanied
Jakarta-based US Ambassador Skip Boyce when he visited West Papua in
March, it may be hard to distinguish between the influence of PAN and
more militant forms of Islam. Of those, the most notable is the
army-sponsored Laskar Jihad group which is acquiring a military force in
West Papua.

The Papuan population of 1.8 million are Christian; so too are half of
the 1.2 million non-Papuans.

The trend, however, partly the outcome of dire economic conditions in
Java and partly the doing of an army-sponsored strategy to create
instability in the future, is to promote transmigrants from Java.

Ships bring up to 7000 Javanese to West Papua weekly and each shipload
brings another contingent of Laskar Jihad. The army trains these people
as the militia of the future, possibly for a religious conflict, similar
to those that occurred in Ambon.

In the opinion of Rais, Indonesian security forces can take either a
democratic or a militaristic approach to overcome such conflicts.
Without acknowledging the role of the army or its motives in prolonging
such conflicts, Rais said that because the democratic option had not
worked, he would prefer the militaristic approach "even if it somewhat
tarnishes the image of democracy".

Winning army support before the 2004 election is a PAN priority.

Monitoring the growth of Islamic support in West Papua, and the
likelihood of Amien Rais winning the presidency in 2004, is a CFR
priority.

The Australian priority, to resume relations with the Indonesian
military, will increase the "democratic deficit" in Papua and enhance
the role of militant Islam throughout Indonesia -- advancing the problem
not the solution.

Greg Poulgrain is a lecturer in South-East Asian history at University
of Queensland

Whoever gains or retains control of West Papua will benefit greatly from
its wealth of natural resources.

New Report on Human Rights Conditions in Freeport Area

The newly-released report by Abigail Abrash, consultant to the Robert F.
Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights, entitled

"Development Aggression:
Observations on Human Rights Conditions in the PT Freeport Indonesia
Contract of Work Areas with Recommendations"

has been converted to html format and can be read on this website:
go to Links section, or click here.

Delay expected for Theys' murder trial

Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The Jakarta Post
July 27, 2002

The trial of nine members of the Army's special force (Kopassus) accused of killing Papuan leader Theys Hiyo Eluay will likely face further delay because the military police cannot guarantee they can hand over the results of their investigation to military prosecutors next month.

Brig. Gen. Hendardji, deputy chief of the military police, said on Friday the investigative team were having difficulties collecting evidence, as well as the testimonies of several witnesses, calling the high-profile case "very sensitive".

Hendardji, also chairman of the Indonesian Military (TNI) investigative team, initially said he would hand over the results of the investigation this month, but it was rejected as "incomplete" by military prosecutors.

"I cannot set a deadline for the handing over of the investigation's results because most of the witnesses have refused to testify. So what we need is more time," he said.

Earlier, Military Police chief Maj. Gen. Sulaiman A.B. said the Kopassus members were likely to be tried this month, soon after the TNI investigative team hand over the dossiers to prosecutors.

But, Sulaiman retracted his statement a few days later, saying the trial might be delayed because the team had yet to complete its investigation.

Theys, also a chairman of the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP), was found dead in November last year, only hours after he had attended a commemoration of the National Heroes Day at the Jayapura-based Kopassus headquarters. Nine Kopassus members are being detained at the military police's cell for allegedly killing Theys. The include Lt. Col. Hartomo, Maj. Doni Hutabarat and Capt. Rianaldo.

Many had demanded the government proceed with the case at the human rights tribunal, considering that TNI as an institution was believed to have engineered the killing.

Earlier this week, Rianaldo's father Agus Zihof, a retired military officer, sent a letter to Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, informing that his son was being forced by a man namely Maj. Andika Perkasa, a Kopassus member and also a son-in-law of Hendropriyono, the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief, to confess to killing Theys.
In his letter, Agus also revealed that "Andika had promised my son a good position at BIN, because his father (Hendropriyono) holds one of the top positions there".

Hendardji said the team would not question Andika.

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Extract from European Commission Assessment Report

"…the 'Act of Free Choice'… was never more than a farce. A grand total of 1,025 Papuans, all selected by the Indonesian authorities were permitted to vote - with virtually no UN monitoring - on the future of West Papua's 800,000 inhabitants. Not too surprisingly, they unanimously voted to remain in Indonesia…"

Report of the EC conflict prevention assessment mission to Indonesia, March 2002, Page 64.
(Full Report: Go to Links Section)

********************

The New York Times
July 22, 2002

Letters to the Editor
Indonesia and Terrorism

[The writer, a retired senior Foreign Service officer, was political counselor at the American Embassy in Jakarta, 1996-99]

To the Editor:

"Indonesia's Unreformed Military" (editorial, July 17) rightly calls for Congress to reject the administration's plan to resume cooperation with the Indonesian military and make it a "partner" in the war on terrorism.

The Indonesian military currently collaborates closely with an Islamic fundamentalist organization, the Laskar Jihad, whose armed fighters have significantly exacerbated Christian-Muslim fighting in the Malukus and are now provoking Christian-Muslim tensions in the province of Papua.

The Indonesian military's support for this and other militias in Papua, Aceh and Malukus is strongly reminiscent of its creation of and support for militias in East Timor, which, along with Indonesian forces, laid waste to East Timor after East Timorese voted to separate from Indonesia in 1999.

The Indonesian military's continuing record of cooperation with domestic terror groups renders it untrustworthy.

EDMUND MCWILLIAMS
Falls Church, Va., July 17, 2002

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Report of Indonesian Army Pillaging, Beating and Raping Women in West Papua

ARMY'S TAINTED LOGGING BUSINESS IN PAPUA

Elsham News Service report, received via Tapol 21 July 2002

" Army's lucrative shadowy business not only contributed much loved cash to the pockets of its Generals, but also, shockingly, revealed horrific stories of agony and pains of the Papuans"

Deployment of military troops of any given state to its territories can be perceived normal when adherence to widely accepted norms and rule of law, including, of course, military code of ethics, is maintained. Harmonious relationships with surrounding environment, consequently, will surely take place. This forms the basis for successful and mutual interactions among various interests.

The above premise seems to be in contrast with the practices of Indonesian army members now stationed in various parts Papua, especially in the sub districts (Kecamatan) around Jayapura regency. Remoteness and isolation of pockets of Papuan settlements may add to the confidence of the Army to plunge into economic activities, notably, logging business. Most of the processed timber sold by Army personnel were plundered, confiscated from local Papuan natives, or directly from forest without legal authorization. The Army's had their own excuses for indulging in such venture. Why then plunder of processed timber extended to rapes and torture? ELSHAM Papua prepared the following report.

Below are testimonies of natives Papuans whose (processed) timber forcefully seized.

April 2002, Habel Enef, a local church worker, reluctantly surrender his timber, after a Kopassus member who was based in Bumi Irian Perkasa (BIP) logging company, named Herman, threatened to shoot him.

February 2002, Markus Putui from Yetti village, handed in his processed logs to an unidentified soldier of Infantry Battalion 126 from North Sumatra (Bukit Barisan) stationed in the area. Markus was beaten with riffle butt and threatened to be shot.

March 2002, (a) Andrias Yombori, Head of Yetti village, was threatened to be shot by a Kopassus member, Herman, who was stationed at BIP logging company. Andrias surrendered his processed timbers. (b) Frans Putui from Yetti village had volleys of bullets shot above his head which forced him to give his processed timbers to a member of Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan, (c) 6 cubic meters of processed timbers belonging to Yayasan Tradisional Perbatasan (a local foundation) was seized by Commander of Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan.

May 2002, processed timbers belonging to William Itungkir (a Yetti villager) were seized by a member of Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan. He was threatened to be shot.
15 June 2002, at around 3 PM, members of Kopassus riding on BIP own car, intercepted the truck carrying processed timber belonging to Reverend Augustinus Jibu Franz, chairman of Traditional Perbatasan Foundation, with the intention to seize the timber. One member of Kopassus aimed his pistol at the Reverend but another Kopassus member prevented the shooting. Kopassus then got the help of police to ultimately prevented the timbers from being transported to town for sale.

26 June 2002, five Yetti villagers, Markus Putui, William Itungkir, Maks Wel, Kipson Moi, and Elias Sakor, were severely ill-treated. They were beaten with riffle butts, then forced to creep and eat soil.

Apart from pillaging the processed timbers belonging to the natives, the army personnel stationed around Yetti area also poisoned rivers using toxic chemicals to obtain fish. Rapes were perpetrated by members of Army Yonif 725 from Wonogiri in the village of Yuruf (Web sub district) in Jayapura regency. The following are names of the rape victims :

Debora Mandaweri (aged 16), Densi Mandawer (aged 16), Roslin Wambea (aged 17), Poppi Mandawer (aged 19), Klara Wey (aged15), Berghita Sumel (aged 17), Yinice Pikindu (aged 16), Mince Kemo (aged 18), Romi Sumel (aged 25), Mince Kemo (aged 25), Lidya Matar/Mandoweri (aged 28).

When asked by an ELSHAM Papua source, First Private P. Pakpahan (aged 26) conceded that military personnel sent in from outside Papua are allowed by military top brass in Papua to conduct timber and logging trade/ business to sustain troops daily expenses. Lieutenant Colonel Jhoni Supriyanto, Commander of Yonif 126, fully supports this business. Mr. Pakpahan said that daily expense of Rp7000/ member was simply inadequate. Additional source of income must be found. Processed timber fits in. Mr. Pakpahan further said that in other areas (out side Papua) where he and his colleagues were stationed before, daily expense was averagely Rp15000/day/member.

Indeed the TNI (Indonesian Army) involved in this business with full force. The Yonif 126 from Bukit Barisan who has been stationed in Arso area for the last 9 months (October 2001-july 2002) has been running this business in secrecy. No proper compensation was given to traditional land owners. Military and civilian trucks were used to transport processed timber to town. Army First Sergeant Sardens (aged 40) from Yonif 126 Bukit Barisan , commander of military post in Yuwong village, stated that money obtained from sales of processed timber will be split in half, one half for Jakarta and the other to the concerned battalion.

Data provided by Jayapura Forestry Department revealed that since January 2002 to April 2002, 446,87 cubic meters of processed timber had been transported past Jayapura Forestry Department check point. The price for one cubic meter is Rp. 1.200.000.

Many, unsurprisingly, had expressed disapproval and protests over this military's side business on this area of Papua. Nevertheless, in a recent visit by Infantry Colonel Agus Mulyadi, Regional Military Commander of 172 PWY of Jayapura, to Yonif 726 post in Abepura, denied that Army has involved in logging business in around Indonesia-Papua New Guinea border (Cenderawasih Pos 4 July 2002).

Concerns regarding control by army members over (processed) timber passing through military controlled posts are raised by concerned government officers. One by Mr. Marten Kayoi, Head of provincial Forestry Department of Papua, who argued that illegal "passing fee" imposed on both commercial and local villagers' processed timber by military personnel on duty on each check posts should be halted. Currently "passing fee" imposed by military personnel at each post are Rp50.000, for commercial operators, and Rp10.000 for small native owned processed timber@

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*ELSHAM NEWS SERVICE provides regular reports and information on social and political development and their implication on Human Rights situation and democracy in Papua. The reports and information provided are obtained from ELSHAM PAPUA local, national and international networks. Those interested in subscribing to this service are advised to register to ELSHAM PAPUA. Please provide complete information (Name of institution/ or individual; address, etc). ELSHAM PAPUA is a human right organization with a mission to eliminate militarism, impunity, and to promote Human Rights and democracy education for the people of Papua. ELSHAM PAPUA was founded on 5 May 1998.
To subscribe (English and Bahasa Indonesia):

SUBSCRIBING TO ELSHAM NEWS SERVICE

ELSHAM Papua is renewing its News Service subscription. Those wishing to subscribe to this service are advised to register by filling the form below. ELSHAM Papua News Service provides information on social and political situation of Papua and its implication on human rights and democracy in Papua. ELSHAM News Service issues reports in two languages, Indonesian and English.

Name :

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ELSHAM Papua is a human rights NGO advocating for demilitarisation and
empowerment of Papuans in the areas of human rights, democracy, justice
and peace .

Note : Please email the information supplied above to elsham_irja@wasantara.net.id. ELSHAM Papua is currently processing this electronic registration.

SHOULD THE U.S. RESUME MILITARY TIES WITH INDONESIA?
REFLECTIONS FROM A PAPUAN PERSPECTIVE

by John Rumbiak
Supervisor ELSHAM - Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Papua

[This paper was the basis of a presentation in the U.S. in June of 2002, during an educational campaign at the Asia Society in New York City on 17 June and before members of the U.S. Congress, Senators and the State Department in Washington, D.C. June 19 21]

Full Paper Here

Voice of America
Asia Pacific Papua Leaders Take Independence Campaign Outside
Indonesia
Patricia Nunan - Jakarta
5 Jul 2002 09:30 UTC

Leaders in the Indonesian province of Papua are taking their fight
for independence overseas, with a recent trip to Washington and a